PSY102 Chapter 4 & 5 of “Theories of Personality” Adler & Horney

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Scientific inquiry is normally rational and objective, yet there are times when it resembles a bitter family feud. One such monumental uproar occurred in 191 I, when it became apparent that the theories of Freud’s colleague Alfred Adler were irreconcilably different from those of psychoanalysis. An irate Freud “forced the whole Adler gang” to resign from psychoanalytic circles, and forbade his followers to attend any of Adler’s conferences. Longstanding friendships broke up, wives of the combatants stopped speaking to each other, and members of opposing factions refused to sit near each other at dinner parties. Psychoanalysts charged Adler with plagiarism, and were accused in turn of retaining his ideas while expunging his name from their writings. Even Jung, a man known for his tolerance of all races and peoples, described Adler’s group as an “insolent gang” of “impudent puppies.” (See Ellenberger, 1970, pp. 638-645; McGuire, 1974, pp. 447,534; Roazen, I97511976b, pp. 184-193.) Although Freud’s pungent attacks were excessive, he better understood the way to lasting fame. Today Freud is clearly recognized as the originator of psychoanalysis, whereas Adler’s significant ideas have been widely subsumed, without credit, into the theories of other psychologists. • To devise a theory of personality that can easily be understood and used because it is less metaphysical and complicated than Freud’s or Jung’s. • To argue that instincts and heredity aren’t important causes of human behavior. • To emphasize the social aspects of personality:We must cooperate with others in order to survive, and everyone has an inborn tendency to do so (social interest). • To show that striving for superiority over our formidable environment (striving for self-perfection) is the most important human motive. • To reject Freud’s emphasis on the depths of personality by showing that the unconscious is relatively unimportant, and that personality is determined by our consciously chosen goals and methods of achieving them (style of life). • To argue that personality is an indivisible unity: Conscious and unconscious always work together, and personality is never torn by conflicting wishes and goals that set one part against another part. • To emphasize that personality development is strongly influenced by the child’s relationship with his/her parents and birth order. • To correct Freud’s belief that mental illness usually has sexual causes by showing that psychopathology most often occurs when pathogenic parenting (notably pampering and neglect) causes the child to develop an inferiority complex, abandon the desire to cooperate, and try to achieve superiority in selfish ways that hurt rather than help other people. • To show that successful psychotherapy can be accomplished more easily and quickly than Freud believed. Alfred Adler was born on February 7,1870, in Rudolfsheim, a suburb of Vienna. His father was a Jewish grain merchant with a cheerful disposition and a particular fondness for Alfred, and his mother has been described as gloomy, rejecting, and self-sacrificing. Like Freud and Jung, Adler rose from lower middle-class origins to world fame; but unlike his illustrious counterparts, he remained emotionally attached to the lower classes and keenly concerned with their problems. Adler was a second-born (Ellenberger, 1970, p. 576) who grew up in the shadow of a gifted and successful older brother, and his family included an envious younger brother and three other siblings. Alfred never developed strong ties to his Jewish heritage, perhaps because his childhood was spent in liberal and heterogeneous surroundings, and he converted to Protestantism in 1904. Adler studied medicine at the University of Vienna. Ironically, he never attended any of the lectures on hysteria given there by a relatively unknown psychologist, Sigmund Freud. Adler received his medical degree in 1895, though not with outstanding marks, and soon thereafter began private practice. In 1897 he married Raissa Epstein, an ardent socialist and independent thinker whom he met at a political convention. The Adlers were to have four children (three daughters and a son), two of whom became individual psychologists. His first publication, which appeared in 1898, stressed the pathogenic working conditions of independent tailors and the need of the poor for socialized medicine. Adler first met Freud in 1902 under circumstances that are shrouded in legend (Ellenberger, 1970, p. 583). He remained active in psychoanalytic circles for some 10 years, and became the first president of the Viennese Psychoanalytic Society in 1910. Like Jung, however, Adler insisted on the freedom to pursue his own ideas. As he once remarked to Freud, “do you think it gives me such great pleasure to stand in your shadow my whole life long?” (Freud, 1914/1967, p. 51; Roazen, 1975/1976b, pp. 179-184.) Eventually Adler’s theories became so different from psychoanalysis as to precipitate an acrimonious parting of the ways, with Freud accusing him of heresy and imposing the penalty of excommunication. Adler resigned from the Psychoanalytic Society in 1911 and founded his own organization, known first as the Society for Free Psychoanalysis and later as the Society for Individual Psychology. Adler suffered a particularly painful rebuff in 1915, when he was denied a teaching position at the University of Vienna because his work was regarded as unscientific. During World War I, he engaged in psychiatric work with the Viennese Army. The postwar period was a difficult one, with the defeated Austria-Hungary suffering from poverty, famine, and epidemics. These trying times reinforced Adler’s socialistic leanings, though he rejected any involvement with militant political activities. Adler was a short and sturdy man. He was less handsome and charismatic than Freud or Jung, and he often presented an almost sloppy appearance. His style of life was simple and unpretentious, quite unlike the typical man of distinction. He possessed strong emotions that at times yielded to hypersensitivity, as well as the ability to make quick and accurate guesses about a patient’s clinical disturbances, life problems, and birth order. He also impressed people as a witty and inspiring lecturer. Unfortunately, he could be highly impractical as well. Whereas psychoanalytic conferences were conducted in a formal and proper manner, Adler unwisely acquired a reputation for superficiality by meeting with followers and patients in various Viennese coffeehouses. Adler’s most significant achievements came during the years 1920-1933. He published numerous important books, and founded a series of child guidance clinics in Vienna. Adler visited the United States frequently from 1926 onward, participating in a symposium at Wittenberg College and teaching extension courses at Columbia University. In 1930 he was honored with the title of Citizen of Vienna, but the mayor unwittingly earned Adler’s deep resentment by introducing him as “a deserving pupil of Freud.” Adler foresaw the Nazi menace at an early date and moved permanently to the United States in 1934, where he taught at the Long Island College of Medicine and continued to strive for the establishment of individual psychology. There is no official standard edition of his works, which number perhaps a dozen volumes. During his later years Adler developed a heart condition, but he enjoyed working too much to lead a limited life. While on a lecture tour in Aberdeen, Scotland, he suffered a fatal heart attack on May 28, 1937. Adler called his theory individual psychology, a name that is somewhat misleading. The term individual expresses his belief in the uniqueness and indivisibility of every human personality. It by no means precludes the social element, a factor he considers “all-important. … The individual becomes an individual only in a social context. Other systems of psychology make a distinction between what they call individual psychology and social psychology, but for us there is no such distinction” (Adler, 1929/1969, p. 95). Individual psychology pays little attention to abstruse metaphysical constructs, or to speculations about the deepest layers of the psyche. Adler emphasizes practical recommendations for dealing with our problems, bringing up children, getting along with others, and upgrading the quality oflife in general. (See Adler, 1927/1957, p. 1; 1929/1969, p. 1.) Social Interest Whereas psychoanalysis views life as an inevitable struggle between our selfish drives and the demands of society, Adler argues that we have an innate potential for relating to others. This social interest or community feeling (GemeinschaftsgefUhl) involves more than membership in a particular group. It refers to a sense of kinship with humanity, and it enables our physically weak species to survive through cooperation: Imagine a man alone, and without an instrument of culture, in a primitive forest! He would be more inadequate than any other living organism …. The community is the best guarantee of the continued existence of human beings … [and social interest] is the true and inevitable compensation for all [of their] natural weaknesses …. (Adler, 1927/1957, pp. 35-36; 1929/1964a, p. 31. See also Adler, 1933/1964b, pp. 98-99; 1931/197ge, pp. 210-211.) It is social interest, rather than a superego or collective unconscious, that establishes the guidelines for proper personality development. The well-adjusted person learns at an early age to develop this inherent potential, and to assist the common good of present and future generations. Maladjustment is defined not as the failure to sublimate or individuate, as Freud or lung would argue, but as the denial of one’s social interest. A major task of psychology, therefore, is to understand and alleviate deficiencies in cooperation. “Society has no place for deserters” (Adler, 1927/1957, p. 194; see also Adler, 1933/1964b, p. 283; 1933/1979g). Teleology, Feelings of Inferiority, and Striving for Superiority (Self-Perfection) Life Goals and Teleology. Adler differs sharply from Freud and lung by regarding the idea of inherited personality components as a “superstition” (1931/1958, p. 168). According to Adler, we are not mere pawns of innate instinctual urges. We select our fundamental life goals and the methods that we use to achieve them. Even social interest is only a predisposition, and it is all too possible to deny this tendency and choose to be neurotically self-centered. The psychic life of man is determined by his goal. No human being can think, feel, will, dream, without all these activities being determined, continued, modified, and directed toward an ever-present objective …. A real understanding of the behavior of any human being is impossible without a clear comprehension of the secret goal which he is pursuing …. (Adler, 1927/1957, pp. 29, 49. See also Adler, 1933/1979a, p. 52; 1932/1979i, p. 87.) Although Adler emphasizes the importance of teleology, he regards infancy and childhood as a time of considerable importance. Our major goals are usually formed during the first few years of life, and they can be deviated from during adulthood only with great difficulty. Therefore, “no one can understand the grown-up who does not learn to understand the child” (Adler, 1931/1958, p. 65; see also Adler, 1927/1957, pp. 18,31; 1933/1964b, pp. 81-82). Suppose that a young girl who craves attention from her parents decides to fulfill this goal by becoming ill frequently, so they will spend a great deal of time taking care of her. She is very likely to behave in similar ways as an adult, as by suffering from persistent migraine headaches because they bring welcome concern from her husband. Freud would regard such rewards as only secondary gains, but to Adler they represent fundamental clues for understanding human nature. “We do not suffer from the shock of [traumatic experiences;] we make out of them just what suits our purposes” (Adler, 1931/1958, p. 14). Life goals need not be realistic, for we often act “as if’ certain fictions were actually true. A person’s behavior will be significantly affected by the belief that virtue is rewarded with an afterlife in heaven, or by neurotic fantasies of exaggerated self-importance, even though these ideas may not correspond very well with reality. Feelings of Inferiority and the Striving for Superiority. To Adler, the primary goal of all human behavior is self-perfection. Everyone begins life as a weak and helpless child, and we all possess the innate drive to overcome this inferiority by mastering our formidable environment: To be a human being means the possession of a feeling of inferiority that is constantly pressing on towards its own conquest …. The goal of the human soul is conquest, perfection, security, superiority …. Every child is faced with so many obstacles in life that no child ever grows up without striving for some form of significance …. Every voluntary act begins with a feeling of inadequacy. (Adler, 1927/1957, pp. 38,135; 1933/1964b, pp. 73, 145. See also Adler, 1920/1973, pp. 1-15; 1933/1979g, pp. 32-33.) Healthy striving for superiority (or perfection, or significance) is guided by social interest, and gives due consideration to the welfare of others. Conversely, the selfish striving for dominance and personal glory is distorted and pathological (Adler, 1931/1958, p. 8). The feelings of inferiority that underlie the striving for superiority are by no means abnormal or undesirable. If a child faces its weaknesses with optimism and courage, and strives for superiority by making the necessary effort to compensate for them, a satisfactory or even superior level of adjustment may be achieved. A famous example is that of Demosthenes, an apparently incurable stutterer, who practiced speaking with pebbles in his mouth and became the greatest orator in ancient Greece (Adler, 1929/1964a, p. 35; Orgler, 1963/1972, p. 67). Or a physically unattractive person may win friends and admirers by becoming genuinely warm and compassionate. The feeling of inferiority “becomes a pathological condition only when the sense of inadequacy overwhelms the individual, and … makes him depressed and incapable of development.” Such a shattering inferiority complex can occur as early as the second year of life. (Adler, 1929/1969, pp. 25, 31; 1927/1957, p. 69). The child who surrenders to an inferiority complex sees only the possibility of evading difficulties, instead of trying to overcome them. “Imagine the goal of the child who is not confident of being able to solve his problems! How dismal the world must appear to such a child! Here we find timidity, introspectiveness, distrust, and all those other characteristics and traits with which the weakling seeks to defend himself’ (Adler, 1927/1957, p. 33). Even an intelligent or capable person can develop an inferiority complex. Adler devotes considerable attention to developmental factors that can turn normal feelings of inferiority (and healthy strivings for self-perfection) into a pathological inferiority complex (and distorted, selfish strivings), as we will see in a subsequent section. Since Adler regards personality as an indivisible unity, he makes no assumptions about its structure. He does agree with Freud and Jung that much of personality is beyond our awareness, and that “the hardest thing for human beings to do is to know themselves and to change CAPSULE SUMMARY Some Important Adlerian Terminology A child’s position in the family (first-born, second born, etc.). To Adler, a major factor in the development of personality. Community feeling Compensation A synonym for social interest. Overcoming real or imagined inferiority through effort and practice, or by developing abilities in a different area. Physical inferiorities are often compensated for in psychological ways, whereas social interest enables the human race to compensate for its inferiority to the overwhelming forces of nature. Memories of infancy and childhood. Even if inaccurate, these recollections provide important clues about the style of life because they are strongly influenced by the individual’s self-selected goals. Umealistic life goals that influence behavior because the person acts “as if’ they were true. Individual psychology Inferiority complex The name Adler gave to his theory of personality. Exaggerated and pathological feelings of weakness, including the belief that one cannot overcome one’s difficulties through appropriate effort. Usually accompanied by a conscious or unconscious superiority complex. Normal and inevitable feelings of weakness that result from our helplessness during childhood. May stimulate healthy striving for superiority and compensations. Behavior motivated by objections to the belief that society regards men as superior to women. A form of superiority complex that may occur in males or females. Failing to give a child sufficient care and nurturing, which creates the belief that the world is a cold and unfriendly place. One of the three major reasons why a child selects mistaken, pathogenic goals. A significant physiological defect that can cause strong feelings of inferiority. Need not result in pathology if effectively compensated, but often becomes one of the three major reasons why a child selects mistaken and pathogenic goals. Giving a child excessive attention and protection. Pampering inhibits the development of initiative and independence, and creates the impression that the world owes one a living. One of the three major reasons why a child selects mistaken, pathogenic goals. An innate potential to relate to and cooperate with other people. Everyone possesses the potential for social interest, but it must be developed through appropriate training for personality to become well adjusted. Striving for superiority (self-perfection, perfection, significance) Style of life Superiority complex A universal, innate drive to overcome feelings of inferiority by mastering our formidable environment. Healthy strivings for superiority are guided by social interest, whereas pathological strivings ignore the welfare of others. A person’s chosen life goals and the methods used to achieve them. Pathological feelings of power and arrogance that conceal an underlying inferiority complex. themselves,” but he attributes this lack of self-knowledge to holistic and teleological forces. We deceive ourselves in order to fulfill our chosen goals, and the unconscious is whatever we do not wish to understand: There can be no question here of anything like a repressed unconscious; it is rather a question of something not understood, of something withheld from the understanding …. Consciousness and unconsciousness move together in the same direction and are not contradictions, as is so often believed. What is more, there is no definite line of demarcation between them. It is merely a question of discovering the purpose of their joint movement. … Every memory is dominated by the goal idea which directs the personality-asa-whole …. That which is helpful we are conscious of; whatever can disturb our arguments we push into the unconscious. (Adler, 1927/1957, pp. 21, 50, 90-91; 1933/l964b, p. 16; 1929/1969, p. 15.) Such socially undesirable traits as vanity, cowardice, and hostility are likely to be deliberately misunderstood (i.e., unconscious) so as to preclude the necessity for changing them. Thus a person who dresses unusually poorly is likely to be concealing powerful (unconscious) arrogance behind a facade of excessive modesty. Socrates is said to have once told a speaker who mounted the podium wearing old and bedraggled clothes, “Young man of Athens, your vanity peeps out through every hole in your robe!” Or hostility may be expressed in a selfdeceptive way by forgetting the instructions of a domineering spouse or employer. (See Adler, 1927/1957, p. 158; 1933/1964b, pp. 206-208.) To Adler, then, conscious and unconscious always work together to achieve those goals (understood or not) that the individual has selected. Adler shares Freud’s belief that personality is formed during the first 5 years of life. But Adler rejects the idea of specific developmental stages, preferring to stress practical guidelines for promoting social interest and avoiding a disastrous inferiority complex. (See Adler, 1931/1958, pp. 12,34,200; 1929/1969, pp. 83, 123-130.) Pathogenic Factors in Personality Development Ideally, the child’s potential for social interest is brought to fruition by the mother. She administers the first lesson in cooperation by nursing the baby at her breast, thereby serving as the child’s bridge to social life. “We probably owe to the maternal sense of contact the largest part of human social feeling, and along with it the essential continuance of human civilization” (Adler, 1933/l964b, p. 221; see also Adler, 1927/1957, p. 220; 1931/1958, pp. 17-18, 120, 125-126). If the mother is clumsy, uncooperative, or untrustworthy, however, the child will learn to resist social interest instead of striving to develop it. The father’s role is to encourage feelings of self-reliance, and to stress the need for choosing a satisfying and worthwhile occupation. To Adler, all too many parents are poorly prepared for the difficult and challenging task of raising their children: The first cooperation among other people which [the child] experiences is [that] of his parents; and if their cooperation is poor, they cannot hope to teach him to be cooperative himself Unfortunately, however, parents are neither good psychologists nor good teachers Few [of them] are inclined to learn and to avoid mistakes … [and those] who most need advice are the [ones] who never come for it. (Adler, 1927/1957, p. 219; 1931/1958, pp. 133,178; 1929/1969, p. 103. See also Adler, 1931/1958, pp. 134-138.) Pampering. Perhaps the most serious parental error is to shower the child with excessive attention, protection, and assistance. Such pampering (or “spoiling”) robs children of their independence and initiative, shatters their self-confidence, and creates the impression that the world owes them a living. Under the misguided belief that they suffer from a lack of ability, rather than from a lack of training, pampered children develop an intense inferiority complex. Since they have never learned self-reliance, and have been taught to receive but not to give, they try to solve their problems by making unrealistic demands on other people. Pampered children may use enuresis, nightmares, or temper tantrums as manipulative (albeit unconscious) devices for obtaining sympathy and attention. They may expect to be admired and honored without having to put forth any effort, or insist that everyone treat their wishes as laws. They may rebel against parental authority through active opposition or sulking, and act depressed or even suicidal if they do not get everything they want. As adults they approach work and marriage with a selfish orientation, rather than in the spirit of cooperation. Such behavior provokes sharp criticism and rejections, which intensifies the inferiority complex and strengthens the need for more pampering. “Every pampered child becomes a hated child …. There is no greater evil than the pampering of children …. Grown-up pampered children are perhaps the most dangerous class in our community” (Adler, 1931/1958, p. 16; 1933/1964b, p. 154; 1929/1969, p. 10; see also Adler, 1931/1958, pp. 128, 151, 240, 282-283; 1929/1969, p. 33; Orgler, 1963/1972, pp. 72-75). Pampering may also result in an apparent Oedipus complex, which Adler regards as neither universal nor sexual. “[The] so-called Oedipus complex is not a ‘fundamental fact,’ but is simply a vicious unnatural result of maternal overindulgence …. The victims of the Oedipus complex are children who were pampered by their mothers … [and whose fathers were] comparatively indifferent or cold” (Adler, 1931/1958, p. 54; 1933/1964b, p. 21).1 Only a pampered boy wants to eliminate his father and subjugate his mother, and his motive is to preserve the mother’s overindulgence. Adler charges psychoanalysis with the error of restricting its study primarily to pampered children, who follow the pleasure principle and become enraged and defensive if their selfish wishes are not fulfilled, and then overgeneralizing its findings to all of humanity. “Psychoanalysis was [preoccupied with] the world of spoiled children … Its transitory success was due to … the immense number of pampered persons who willingly accepted the views of psychoanalysis as universally applicable rules” (Adler, 1933/1964b, p. 36; see also pp. 51, 154,213-214). Neglect. The opposite extreme, failing to provide sufficient care and nurturing (neglect), creates the impression that the world is cold and unsympathetic. The neglected child “has never known what love and cooperation can be: he makes up an interpretation of life which does not include these friendly forces …. He will overrate [the difficulties of life] and underrate his own capacity to meet them … [and] will not see that he can win affection and esteem by actions which are useful to others” (Adler, 1931/1958, p. 17; see also Orgler, 1963/1972, pp. 76-79). Such children regard life as an enemy, and express their inferiority complex through suspiciousness, stubbornness, and maliciousness. In the words of Shakespeare’s Richard III, “since I cannot prove a lover. .. I am determined to prove a villain.” Other Parental Factors. Establishing unattainable standards or resorting to punishment overemphasizes the child’s helplessness, and is therefore likely to bring about an inferiority complex. “Punishment, especially corporal punishment, is always harmful to children. Any teaching which cannot be given in friendship is wrong teaching …. Praise or blame should be given to success or failure in the training and not to the personality of the child” (Adler, 1931/1958, p. 135; 1933/1964b, p. 226). Ridiculing a child is “well-nigh criminal,” resulting in the constant dread of being laughed at. Excessive criticism of other people will prejudice the child against sociability and cooperation. So too will a father who adopts the role of family ruler, and who acts superior to the mother because he is the primary breadwinner. (See Adler, 1927/1957, p. 66; 1931/1958, pp. 135,222.) Organ Inferiority. In addition to parental errors, a physical deficiency or severe illness may cause strong feelings of helplessness (Adler, 1907/1917b). However, organ inferiority need not result in psychopathology. “Imperfect organs offer many handicaps, but these handicaps are by no means an inescapable fate. If the mind … trains hard to overcome the difficulties, the individual may very well succeed in being as successful as those who were originally less burdened” (Adler, 1931/1958, p. 35). One such example is that of Demosthenes, discussed previously. But since organ inferiorities present substantial difficulties, and since the concerned parents are likely to make matters worse by pampering the invalid, the most likely result is a destructive inferiority complex: Children who come into the world with organ inferiorities become involved at an early age in a bitter struggle for existence which results only too often in the strangulation of their social feelings. Instead of interesting themselves in an adjustment to their fellows, they are continually preoccupied with themselves, and with the impression which they make on others. (Adler, 1927/1957, p. 65; see also Adler, 1920/1973, p. 81.) One boy retained his childish soprano and lack of body hair into his late teens. “For eight years he suffered from this failure of development. … During this entire period, he was tortured with the thought that he must always remain a child.” By the time he reached his early twenties, his physical development was entirely normal, but these organ inferiorities had shattered his confidence. He tried to gain some relief by acting supremely important, and this lack of social interest destroyed his marriage. “This error, this wrong evaluation of his inferiority, colored his entire life” (Adler, 1927/1957, p. 72). Adler attributes considerable importance to a child’s position in the family. “Above all we must rid ourselves of the superstition that the situation within the family is the same for each individual child” (Adler, 1933/1964b, p. 229; see also Adler, 1927/1957, pp. 123-129; 1931/1958, pp. 144-155; 1929/1964a, pp. 96-120; 1933/1964b, pp. 228-241; 1929/1969, pp. 12-13,90-94). The oldest child enjoys a temporary period as the unchallenged center of attention. This pleasurable position is likely to involve considerable pampering, however, and it comes to an abrupt and shocking end with the arrival of a younger sibling. Unless the parents carefully prepare the oldest child to cooperate with the newcomer, and continue to provide sufficient attention after the second child is born, this painful dethronement may well cause an inferiority complex. For this reason, first-born children are the ones most likely to become neurotics, criminals, alcoholics, and perverts (Adler, 1931/1958, pp. 144, 147-148). They also express the fragility of their childhood superiority by having frequent dreams of falling. And they are likely to be politically conservative, and follow in the footsteps of the parent’s occupation. “Oldest children … often … have the feeling that those in power should remain in power. It is only an accident that they have lost their power, and they have great admiration for it” (Adler, 1929/1969, p. 91). The middle child experiences pressure from both sides. “He behaves as if he were in a race, as if someone were a step or two in front and he had to hurry to get ahead of him” (Adler, 1931/1958, p. 148). Second-born children tend to be competitive or even revolutionary, prefer to see power change hands, and have dreams of racing. They are the ones most likely to develop favorably, however, since they never occupy the pathogenic position of pampered only child. The youngest child, confronted with the presence of several older rivals, tends to be highly ambitious. Such children often follow a unique path, as by becoming the only musician or merchant in a family of scientists (or vice versa). Although they avoid the trauma of being dethroned by a younger sibling, their position as the baby of the family makes them the most likely target of pampering. Therefore “the second largest proportion of problem children comes from among the youngest” (Adler, 1931/1958, p. 151; see also Adler, 1927/1957, pp. 123-125; 1929/1969, pp. 91-92). For example, they may turn away from the challenge of competition and resort to chronic evasions, excuses, and laziness. Only children are usually pampered, develop unrealistic expectations of always being the center of attention, and form exaggerated opinions of their own importance. They also tend to be timid and dependent, since parents who refuse to have more than one child are typically anxious or neurotic and cannot help communicating their fears to the child. The third of three boys or girls often faces a most unenviable situation, namely parents who longed to have a child of the opposite sex. And a first-born boy who is closely followed by a girl will probably suffer the embarrassment of being overtaken in maturity by his younger sister, since the girl’s physiological development proceeds at a faster rate. (See Adler, 1927/1957, p. 127; 1931/1958, pp. 149-154; 1933/1964b, pp. 230, 241; 1929/1969, pp. 92-94.) Adler emphasizes that the effect of birth order is only a tendency, not a certainty. “Individual psychology is opposed to fixed rules” (Adler, 1933/1964b, p. 233). A bright first-born child may defeat a younger one and not suffer much of a dethronement, a weak oldest child may lose the mantle of leadership to the second-born, or parents may pamper a sickly middle child even more than the youngest or oldest. A child born many years after the older sibling(s) will be treated more like an only child–or, if there are younger siblings as well, an oldest child. Individual psychology advises that the best distance between the births of siblings is approximately three years, by which time the older child has matured sufficiently to accept the parents’ preparation for an addition to the family. (See Adler, 1931/1958, pp. 149, 153; 1929/1969, p. 92.) Character Typology: The Style of Life The child responds to its feelings of inferiority, birth order, and the parents’ behaviors by developing its own style of life. (See for example Adler, 1927/1957, pp. 17, 133ff; 1931/1958, pp. 12,200; 1929/1969, pp. 38-47,83.) The style of life, which is well formed by age 4 or 5, consists of the child’s chosen life goals and the methods used to strive for them. It also includes the perceptions and memories that are shaped by these goals. A pampered child may select the goal of receiving constant attention, try to achieve this aim through sulking and temper tantrums, and perceive others as potential providers. A neglected child may choose the goal of revenge, become hostile and dominating, and cast others in the role of probable enemies. Or a child given proper care and nurturing may adopt a style of life that ultimately includes a useful and rewarding occupation, a mutually satisfying marriage, and a sincere and sympathetic concern for other people. Every style of life, and every personality, is at least somewhat unique. Adler concedes that some mention of personality types is probably unavoidable, since our language lacks sufficient precision to describe all of the subtle nuances that distinguish one human being from another. Nevertheless, “we do not consider human beings types, because every human being has an individual style of life. Just as one cannot find two leaves of a tree absolutely identical, so one cannot find two human beings absolutely alike” (Adler, 1929/1969, p. 40; see also Adler, 1933/1964b, pp. 27, 127, 148). According to Adler, there are three valuable sources of information about a person’s lifestyle: character traits, physical movements, and early recollections. Character Traits. Undesirable character traits indicate that the striving for superiority has become selfish and distorted. Some of these characteristics take an aggressive form, as with vain and arrogant individuals who try to appear more important than everyone else. “No other vice is so well designed to stunt the free development of a human being as that personal vanity which forces an individual to approach every event and every fellow with the query: ‘What do I get out of this?’ ” (Adler, 1927/1957, p. 155). Since arrogance clashes so sharply with social interest, it often takes on the more acceptable guise of keen ambition, false modesty, or a pedantic emphasis on accuracy and detail. Other aggressive character traits include jealousy, avarice, and hostility. Jealousy is often expressed by blaming other people for one’s own errors and becoming excessively critical. The avaricious individual rejects social interest and “builds a wall around himself [so as] to be secure in the possession of his wretched treasures.” Powerful hostility poisons one’s interpersonal relationships, and may well lead to a criminal style of life. These misguided forms of striving for superiority are little more than “cheap tricks by which anyone can imagine whatever he wishes to believe …. [and] whereby the personal evaluation is raised at the cost of another’s misfortune” (Adler, 1927/1957, pp. 168, 181,212; see also pp. 155-184). Some undesirable character traits are nonaggressive. Shy people seek superiority and safety by turning away from society and excluding close friendships. Some individuals try to gain pity and attention by appearing helpless and anxious, while other lifestyles are characterized by laziness and pessimism. A student who becomes extremely nervous about a forthcoming examination and refuses to prepare for it has a ready-made excuse in case of failure, and avoids the pain and disappointment of trying hard but not succeeding. (See Adler, 1927/1957, pp. 167, 185-198; 1935/1979b, 1935/1979j). A healthy style of life avoids the “cheap tricks” discussed above. It is typified by such desirable character traits as social interest, cheerfulness, optimism, sympathy, and genuine modesty (Adler, 1927/1957, pp. 199,216-217). Physical Movements. The style of life is also revealed by a person’s physical movements. For example, constantly leaning on something may reflect dependency and the need for protection. Persistent slouching, remaining a great distance from other people, avoiding eye contact, and sleeping in a fetal position may indicate cowardly tendencies. However, such tentative clues should be checked against other evidence about the individual before firm conclusions are drawn. (See Adler, 1931/1958, pp. 28, 34,41,72; 1933/1964b, p. 208; 1929/1969, pp. 35, 58-62.) Early Recollections. The best way to identify someone’s style of life is by obtaining the person’s early recollections of infancy and childhood. Even inaccurate memories provide vital information, for any distortion in our recollections is deliberately (if unconsciously) designed to serve our chosen life goals (Adler, 1931/1958, p. 74). The earliest recollection is noteworthy because it reveals the person’s fundamental view of life. One man’s first memory was that of being held in the arms of his mother, only to be deposited on the ground so she could pick up his younger brother. His adult lifestyle involved persistent fears that others would be preferred to him, including extreme and unwarranted jealousy of his fiancee. Another man, whose style of life was marked by fear and discouragement, recalled falling out of his baby carriage. A woman who developed a lifestyle that emphasized the distrust of others, and the fear of being held back by them, recalled that her parents prevented her from attending school until her younger sister was old enough to accompany her. (See Adler, 1927/1957, pp. 30-31; 1931/1958, pp. 19-22,71-92; 1929/1964a, pp. 121-127; 1929/1969, pp. 44, 48-57.) In each of these cases, Adler attributes the sufferer’s problems to the faulty goals chosen in childhood and maintained in adulthood, rather than to the childhood incidents themselves. “It is not the child’s experiences which dictate his actions; it is the conclusions which he draws from his experiences” (Adler, 1931/1958, p. 123). FURTHER APPLICATIONS OF INDIVIDUAL PSYCHOLOGY Dream Interpretation To Adler, dreams are merely another expression of a person’s style of life. Conscious and unconscious are united in the service of our chosen life goals, rather than in opposition (as Freud would have it), so there is no need for a special key to the unconscious. In fact, the information provided by dreams can usually be obtained just as well from early recollections, character traits, and physical movements. Adler also rejects Freud’s contention that virtually all dreams deal with sexuality and wish-fulfillment; this is true only in the case of the pampered individual. However, he does agree with lung and Freud that dream theory cannot be reduced to a handbook of procedures or symbols. Every dream is at least somewhat unique because every style of life is different, so a firsthand knowledge of the dreamer is essential for accurate interpretation. “One individual’s symbols are never the same as another’s” (Adler, 1931/1958, p. 108; see also Adler, 1927/1957, pp. 92-100; 1931/1958, pp. 93-119; 1929/1964a, pp. 162-168; 1933/1964b, pp. 242-268; 1929/1969, pp. 69-79; 1931/197ge, pp. 214-216). To Adler, virtually every dream serves the purpose of self-deception. When a person protects a misguided style of life by relegating undesirable character traits to the unconscious, dreams create an emotional state that remains present upon awakening and helps to achieve those life goals that the dreamer does not want to understand. Suppose that a student’s style oflife is highlighted by cowardice and pessimism. On the eve of an important examination, the student may dream of being chased by assailants (or fighting a difficult and losing war, or standing at the edge of a terrifying abyss). This dream enables the student to awaken with feelings of discouragement and fright, emotions that support the secret goal of delaying or avoiding the examination. The student may therefore take an unexcused absence without having to recognize the distasteful personality characteristics that underlie this behavior. (See Adler, 1931/1958, pp. 103-104, 108; 1929/1969, p. 70.) However, this line of theorizing leads Adler to the dubious conclusion that some people do not dream. Included in this category are healthy people whose lifestyle involves little need for self-deception. “Very courageous people dream rarely, for they deal adequately with their situation in the daytime. . .. [I myself] stopped dreaming as soon as [I] realized what dreaming meant” (Adler, 1929/1964a, p. 164; 1929/1969, p. 76). Much research has refuted this contention by showing that everyone does dream, and people differ only in the extent to which they forget their dreams. (See, for example, Foulkes, 1966.) Furthermore, Adler seems unable to maintain his conviction that all dreams are unique. He concludes that dreams of falling, “certainly the commonest of all,” indicate that the dreamer’s delusion of being superior to other people is in imminent danger of being shattered. Dreams of flying reflect a desire to become superior to others, and are often accompanied by warning dreams of falling. And dreams about being improperly clothed express the fear of making an embarrassing mistake (Adler, 1933/1964b, pp. 263-264). Adler does make a relevant point about the teleological nature of dreams. Since dreams prepare us for the future, it is not at all surprising (or prophetic, or “synchronistic”) if they correspond with subsequent reality. For example, the ancient Greek poet Simonides dreamed that the ghost of a dead man warned him against taking an impending sea journey. He therefore remained home and, surely enough, the ship sank in a storm and all hands were lost. Adler argues that Simonides probably did not want to make the trip, since he knew that travel by sea was quite dangerous in those days, and the dream created the emotional state that made it easier for him to follow his true (but unconscious) wishes. The actual disaster was hardly unusual, if somewhat coincidental, and indicated that Simonides’s assessment of the situation was an accurate one (Adler, 1927/1957, pp. 98-99; 1929/1969, pp. 73-74). The well-adjusted individual fulfills his or her obligations to present and future generations by successfully meeting the three major challenges of life: social interest, work, and love and marriage. (See Adler, 1931/1958, pp. 239-286; 1933/1964b, pp. 13-14,42-67, 147, 167; 1929/1969, pp. 87, 100.) However, even relatively healthy people possess some undesirable and selfish character traits. Thus Adler agrees with Freud and Jung that psychopathology represents a difference in degree, rather than in kind: The psychic anomalies, complexes, [and] mistakes which are found in nervous diseases are fundamentally not different in structure from the activity of normal individuals. The same elements, the same premises, the same movements are under consideration. The sole difference is that in the nervous patient they appear more marked, and are more easily recognized …. [Therefore,] we can learn from the abnormal cases. (Adler, 1927/1957, p.16.) Adler’s theoretical differences with psychoanalysis and analytical psychology are reflected in his approach to abnormal behavior. Freud and Jung attribute psychopathology to divisive intrapsychic conflicts, but Adler’s holistic and unified conception of personality rules out this possibility. Nor can Adler accept Freud’s idea of pathogenic fixations and regressions, since he argues that all behavior is designed to serve some future purpose. “Neurosis is a creative act, and not a reversion to infantile and atavistic forms” (Adler, 1933/1964b, p. 131; see also pp. 158, 172). Instead, Adler explains psychopathology as the result of a misguided style of life. “I should compare [the pathological individual] to a man who tries to put a horse’s collar on from the tail end. It is not a sin, but it is a mistaken method” (Adler, 1931/1958, p. 272). Origins and Characteristics of Neurosis. Neurosis originates during the first few years of life. Influenced by such factors as pampering, neglect, birth order, and organ inferiorities, the child selects a misguided style of life that clashes with reality. For example, instead of receiving constant attention, pampered children find that they are expected to be cooperative and helpful-behaviors for which they have not been prepared. This unwelcome discovery acts like an “electric shock,” intensifying the child’s pathology and resulting in the two conditions typical of all neuroses: an inferiority complex and a lack of social interest. (See Adler, 1912/1917a; 1931/1958, pp. 8,49; 1930/1963; 1933/1964b, pp. 30-31, 106-107, 162-180; 1932/1979i, p. 91.) Since the neurotic feels unable to cope with the difficulties of everyday life, he or she resorts to various “cheap tricks” for gaining superiority. These include relegating unpleasant character traits to the unconscious, evading responsibilities, attempting only the easiest of tasks, imposing unrealistic demands or expectations on other people, blaming errors or shortcomings on others, avoiding others, anxiety, or any other strategy that appears to turn the apparently inescapable inferiority into an advantage. Such people often become “virtuosos of neurosis, continually extending their repertory, … [dropping] symptoms with astonishing rapidity and [taking] on new ones without a moment’s hesitation” (Adler, 1931/1958, p. 63). Even the suffering caused by their pathology is preferable to the crushing defeat of trying but failing to achieve superiority more legitimately, and having to confront their inferiority complex. “The easy way of escape is neurosis” (Adler, 1931/1958, p. 186; see also Adler, 1927/1957, pp. 133-218; 1933/1964b, pp. 111, 164, 171-174; 1929/1969, pp. 105-106; 1936/1979d, pp. 239-247; 1936/1979f, pp. 102-105). Inferiority and Superiority Complexes. One common form of neurotic evasion is to conceal the painful inferiority complex behind a superiority complex, which involves the deluded belief of being better than other people. “It is as if a man feared that he was too small, and walked on tiptoe to make himself seem larger” (Adler, 1931/1958, p. 50; see also Adler, 1933/1964b, pp. 40,120-122,173; 1929/1969, pp. 27-37, 84,104). Alternatively, a superiority complex may be hidden by manifestations of weakness. Whereas healthy striving for superiority is reflected in socially interested abilities and achievements, the superiority complex is another cheap trick. It establishes grandiose and unreachable goals that result in eventual failure, intensifying the underlying inferiority complex and leading to still greater reliance on the pathological sense of superiority. “It is as if [the sufferer] were in a trap: the more he struggles, the worse his position becomes” (Adler, 1931/1958, p. 146; see also p. 51). Masculine Protest. Psychopathology is also caused by inequalities in society, notably those concerning men and women. In contrast to Freud, who argues that a woman’s place is in the home, Adler emphasizes her right to pursue an occupation. He criticizes men who contend that helping with the housework is beneath their dignity. He regards motherhood as perhaps the highest of all forms of social interest. And he relates many unhappy marriages and personal miseries to the myth of sexual inequality: All our institutions, our traditional attitudes, our laws, our morals, our customs, give evidence of the fact that they are determined and maintained by privileged males for the glory of male domination …. Nobody can bear a position of inferiority without anger and disgust. … That woman must be submissive is… [a] superstition …. (Adler, 1927/1957, pp. 104, 202-203; 1931/1958, p. 267. See also Adler, 1927/1957, pp. 111-122; 1931/1958, pp. 122,241; 1929/1969, pp. 66–68.) When a girl perceives that men are favored, she may develop the form of superiority complex known as the masculine protest. This may include dressing like a boy, insisting on being called by a boy’s name, or turning away from heterosexual relationships and marriage. Or a boy may dress and behave like a girl because he doubts his ability to fulfill his supposedly superior role, thus also falling victim to society’s irrational stereotype of males. (See Adler, 1931/1958, pp. 191-192,276; 1929/1964a, pp. 41–45; 1929/1969, p. 68.) Adler strongly condemns all varieties of social prejudice. He wams that serious inequalities can lead not only to inferiority complexes and psychopathology, but also to such disastrous attempts at compensation as war and revolution. Varieties of Psychopathology. Although Adler draws some distinctions among the various kinds of psychopathology, he views them all in much the same way: as serious errors in living, designed to achieve an easy and distorted form of superiority. For example, paranoid behavior helps to preserve a superiority complex by blaming errors and defeats on other people. Depression is an attempt to dominate others by requiring frequent assistance and attention. Suicide is an act of anger and revenge by a pampered individual who expects too much of life, and is therefore easily disappointed. Compulsions may also express hostility, as when an unhappily married woman greatly annoyed her husband by spending entire days washing her home. Phobias may serve to control other people, as with a woman whose fear of leaving home by herself required her errant husband to remain by her side. Alcoholism provides a convenient excuse for not trying to achieve superiority in socially interested ways. Homosexuality represents the masculine protest of a fearful individual who was not properly prepared for heterosexuality during childhood, rather than an innate biological condition. Finally, as we have seen, such psychosomatic symptoms as headaches may support a pampered style of life. (See Adler, 1927/1957, pp. 55, 115-119; 1931/1958, pp. 53, 90,274-275; 1933/1964b, p. 186; 1929/1969, pp. 47, 117-118; 1920/1973, pp. 51-58, 184-207,255-260; 1931/1979c.) Adler is unique among the early personality theorists in devoting considerable attention to the problem of criminality. He regards the criminal as a coward hiding behind a weapon, thereby gaining the only triumph that the underlying inferiority complex will allow. There are no “born criminals,” but only individuals who have developed a superiority complex so lacking in social interest that they have little or no concern about the consequences of their behavior. “Crime is [another] one of the easy escapes before the problems of life, and especially before the problem of economics and livelihood …. Crime is a coward’s imitation of heroism” (Adler, 1931/1958, pp. 185, 205; see also Adler, 1931/1958, pp. 197-238; 1933/1964b, pp. 136–140; 1929/1969, pp. 8-9, 37,107). Adler strongly opposes the use of corporal punishment, arguing that this only increases the criminal’s feelings of resentment and bravery. Unlike Freud, who preferred not to have criminals as patients, Adler accepted them and achieved some significant successes. Adler attempts to explain psychosis in much the same way as neurosis. However, his interpretation of psychosis as a more severe expression of inferiority and discouragement is generally regarded as a serious oversimplification. (See for example Arieti, 1974; Fromm-Reichmann, 1950; Searles, 1965; Sullivan, 1962/1974.) Psychotherapy Theoretical Foundation. The goal of Adlerian psychotherapy is to promote a new and more socially interested style of life. For this to happen, the painful inferiority complex that underlies the patient’s selfish and cowardly mode of striving for superiority must be brought to light. “The important thing is to decrease the patient’s feeling of inferiority …. The method of individual psychology-we have no hesitation in confessing it-begins and ends with the problem of inferiority” (Adler, 1929/1969, pp. 45,131). The all-important inferiority complex is unearthed by examining the patient’s misguided life goals, and the childhood factors that influenced their selection. The patient then makes an important and encouraging discovery: His or her problems result from a deficiency in training and social interest that can be overcome with effort, rather than from an innate lack of ability. The therapist facilitates this reeducation by serving as a model of healthy behavior, and by providing a ready target for the patient’s fledgling attempts at cooperation. Therapeutic Procedures. A healthy style of life cannot be imposed by coercion, punishment, criticism, or authoritarian displays of omniscience by the therapist, for such tactics are all too likely to reinforce the patient’s exaggerated sense of inferiority. Instead, individual psychology attempts to awaken the patient’s latent social interest through encouragement and equality. Therapist and patient sit face to face, in chairs of similar size and style. The therapist takes appropriate opportunities to be informal and good-humored, whereas the patient is free to get up and move around the consultation room. Except for the early stages, the patient attends therapy only once or twice per week. And Adlerian therapy rarely lasts more than a single year, with every correctly handled case expected to show at least partial improvement by the third month of treatment. (See Adler, 1929/1 964a, pp. 73, 88; 1933/1964b, pp. 286-298; Ellenberger, 1970, p. 620.) Like Freud and lung, Adler is not overly fond of hypnosis. (See Adler, 1929/1969, p. 79.) His techniques for unveiling a disordered lifestyle include an analysis of the patient’s dreams, early recollections, and body movements, as well as key questions and verbal ploys. Often he would ask a patient: “If you did not have this ailment, what would you do?” The answer usually pointed to the life task that the patient feared, such as getting married (or divorced), making more friends, becoming more aggressive, finding a job, and so forth. Adlerian therapy consists of three stages. The first task of the therapist is to establish rapport and gain an understanding of the patient’s problems and style of life, which may take from 1 day to 2 weeks. Early recollections, dream interpretation, and “The Question” playa prominent role during this period. In the second stage of treatment, the therapist gently and gradually helps the patient become aware of his or her pathogenic lifestyle, secret goals, and inferiority complex. Here the therapist must proceed fairly slowly, for the patient is actually (albeit unconsciously) much more afraid of being proved worthless than of remaining ill. The third and final stage occurs if and when the patient decides to expend considerable effort and adopt a new and more cooperative lifestyle, with the therapist providing both emotional support and appropriate factual information. (See Adler, 1929/1964a, p. 73; 1933/1964b, pp. 165-166; Ellenberger, 1970, pp. 620-621.) In any of these stages, the therapist may use carefully chosen strategies. Adler might tell a patient, “You can be cured in two weeks if you follow this prescription, but it is difficult and I do not know if you can.” At this point he would look doubtfully at the patient, whose curiosity and attention were thereby ensured. Then he would add, “Try to think every day how you can please someone.” If the patient objected that this task was impossible, or that others were not worth pleasing, Adler would respond with his “strongest move in the game” by saying: “Then you will need four weeks …. Perhaps you had better train yourself a little thus: Do not actually do anything to please someone else, but just think out how you could do it.” If this also proved to be too difficult, Adler would suggest that at least the patient could please him by paying particular attention to dreams or early recollections and reporting them at the next session. (See Adler, 1931/1958, pp. 256-260; 1929/1964a, pp. 8, 25-26.) Adler developed therapeutic techniques for use with children, including treating them in the natural setting of the home and seeing the parents during part of each session, and he is credited as one of the originators of family and group psychotherapy. However, he stresses that prevention (in the form of proper parenting and training of children) is far easier and less costly than having to cure psychopathology. Mosak & Dreikurs, 1973, p. 37.) (See Adler, 1933/1964b, pp. 153, 299-304; Resistance and Transference. Adler rejects Freud’s approach to resistance and transference. Patients do resist and frustrate the therapist; but this reflects their inability to cooperate and lack of courage to change, and/or is a protest against the therapist’s threatening aura of superiority. Adler regards transference as the result of a therapeutic error that triggers a pampered individual’s wishes for excessive love and attention. He even concludes that transference should not occur in properly conducted Adlerian therapy, a contention that appears rather dubious in view of the established tendency to generalize behavior from one authority figure (such as a parent) to another (such as a therapist or teacher). (See Adler, 1931/1958, p.72; 1933/1964b, pp. 288-290; 1920/1973, pp. 46, 144-152.) Ideally, the patient in Adlerian therapy leams that he or she is not inferior and has the ability to overcome important problems through appropriate effort. The patient therefore abandons the selfish (and self-defeating) strivings for a cheap and easy superiority, develops a more socially interested style of life, and achieves through courage and cooperation those rewards that the real world can provide. Adler expressed keen interest in the sociological and psychological aspects of work, and was a strong advocate of humane working conditions and protective labor legislation. He recommends that the choice of vocation should be consistent with one’s style oflife and early recollections. For example, a patient’s first memory was watching through a window while others worked. This man ultimately found satisfaction as an art dealer, a career that enabled him to continue the desired role of onlooker in a socially interested way. Similarly, the earliest recollection of many doctors is a death in the family. (See Adler, 1931/1958, pp. 79, 85-86; 1929/1969, p. 52.) To Adler, the inability to select a future occupation during childhood and adolescence indicates the existence of an underlying inferiority complex. Therefore, all schoolchildren should be required to write compositions on “what I want to be later in life” to make them confront this important issue (Adler, 1931/1958, pp. 239-251; 1929/1969, pp. 100-101, 121). Adler regards “loving thy neighbor” and preferring giving to receiving as desirable expressions of social interest, and he characterizes Freud’s cynical rejection of these precepts as the selfishness of the pampered individual. But he stops well short of embracing lung’s belief in an innate religious need, and emphasizes the practical reasons for cooperating with other human beings. The primary purpose of religion is to increase social interest, God symbolizes the goal of self-perfection to which we all aspire, and reincarnation symbolizes the belief that one can change a disordered lifestyle to a healthy one. Adler does regard the Bible as a wonderful work, but he warns that teaching its contents to children may lead to fanciful and misguided strivings for superiority. For example, a psychotic may misuse religion by developing a superiority complex that involves hearing the voice of God. Or a neurotic may choose to evade the difficulties of present-day living by concentrating on an existence in the hereafter. (See Adler, 1927/1957, pp. 81, 169, 172-174, 187,207-208; 1931/1958, pp. 60-61, 253; 1933/1979g, p. 33; 1933/1979h.) Adler devotes considerable attention to the effect of education on personality development. School provides the acid test of a child’s readiness for social living, and offers perhaps the only possibility for correcting whatever parental errors may have occurred. “The school is the prolonged arm of the family …. It would be our hope, if all the teachers could be [well] trained, that psychologists would become unnecessary” (Adler, 1931/1958, pp. 156, 180; see also Adler, 1927/1957, p. 222). Unfortunately, few educators know how to help each child’s personality develop along proper lines. And classes are often far too large, making it difficult for even a skilled teacher to do much more than merely impart the prescribed curriculum. Adler sees the educator as facing the difficult and challenging task of preparing the child for cooperation, and inculcating the social ideals that enable civilization to continue. “The true purpose of a school is to build character… [and] the principal aim of education is social adjustment” (Adler, 1929/1969, pp. 82,103). The role of heredity in personality development must be minimized by the teacher, lest the child evade responsibility (and the educator excuse poor teaching) by blaming failures on genetic factors. “It may ease [the teacher's] position if he can say to a child, ‘You have no gift for mathematics,’ but it can do nothing but discourage the child” (Adler, 1931/1958, p. 170). The importance of individual ambition and competition must also be downplayed, so as to further the development of social interest. To Adler, coeducation is an excellent way to prepare the child for cooperation between the sexes. However, special classes for “slow” children should be avoided because they are all too likely to produce discouragement and inferiority complexes. “Where there are brilliant children in a class, the progress of the whole class can be accelerated and heightened; and it is unfair to the other members to deprive them of such a stimulus” (Adler, 1931/1958, p. 171). As always, Adler regards encouragement as far superior to punishment and threats. And teachers must serve as models of social interest, treat their pupils with respect, and genuinely wish to contribute to the welfare of humankind. (See Adler, 1927/1957, pp. 31, 122, 137; 1931/1958, pp. 59, 156-181; 1933/1964,’p. 55; 1929/1969, pp. 80-94.) Oversimplification. Parsimony is an appealing attribute of any theory, and Adler’s practical prescriptions for living offer a refreshing contrast to Jung’s abstruse metaphysics. However, it would seem that individual psychology seriously underestimates the complexity of human behavior. Adler’s holistic model rejects the possibility of troublesome intrapsychic conflicts, which many other theorists (including Freud, Jung, and Homey) regard as extremely important. Furthermore, Adler’s emphasis on our consciously chosen goals leads to a conception of anxiety that is at best a partial truth and at worst astonishingly naive. Anxiety often involves intense suffering, and it is hardly likely that this emotional turmoil is merely a manipulative attempt to gain the attention of other people. Psychoanalysts would argue that even if a patient consciously selects new life goals and works diligently to achieve them, these efforts may be undermined by powerful opposing unconscious forces that have not been sufficiently analyzed. Adler frequently implies that the choice of a disordered lifestyle is triggered by one or two key incidents in childhood, such as the birth of a sibling or an organ inferiority. To many psychologists, however, the causes of psychopathology are often more complicated and overdetermined. Adler’s claim that transference does not occur in properly conducted psychotherapy is also dubious. And his conclusions that heredity does not influence personality, that healthy people do not dream, and that psychosis is simply a more severe version of neurotic discouragement must be regarded as major errors. Overemphasis on Social Factors. Adler defines personality wholly in terms of interpersonal relationships. Social psychology is an important discipline, but it represents only one facet of modem psychology. Most current theorists agree that personality exists, and can be studied, in isolation from other human beings. Overemphasis on Inferiority. Yet another source of controversy concerns Adler’s contention that every neurotic, criminal, and psychotic suffers from an inferiority complex. Exaggerated feelings of powerlessness do play an important role in many disorders, but it is questionable whether the myriad varieties of psychopathology can be explained in similar terms. Adler even detects an underlying inferiority complex from such behaviors as sleeping in a curved position and craving strong black coffee, suggesting that “inferiority” is to individual psychology as “sexuality” is to psychoanalysis-a construct so pervasive as to be in danger of losing its explanatory power. Excessive Optimism. Whereas Freudian theory has been taken to task for being overly pessimistic, individual psychology may well err toward the opposite extreme. If human beings do not have any inherent destructive or illicit traits, and do possess the innate potential for social interest, how can we explain the occurrence of so many wars, murders, crimes, and other humanmade disasters? The psychological and sociological influences on growing children would have to be virulent indeed to bring about so much camage. For this reason, the less sanguine views of Freud or Jung impress some observers as more consistent with the evidence of recorded history. Other Criticisms. Adler’s work (like that of Freud and Jung) reflects a total lack of statistical analysis, with all of his conclusions justified by his own subjective observations. Nor does he establish any quantitative guidelines for distinguishing between substantial but healthy parental love and pampering, or between minimal but sufficient nurturing and neglect. In addition, Adler fails to maintain his professed belief in the uniqueness of every human personality. He makes frequent mention of character traits, types of dreams, and other similarities among human beings, and he implies that pampered (or neglected) children have lifestyles that include many common factors. Like Freud, Adler is vulnerable to criticism by those theorists who believe that personality continues to develop after the fifth or sixth year of life. Although modem psychologists have often failed to give Adler sufficient credit, he himself seems to overlook his significant agreements with Jung. Self-realization, teleology, pathology as a sick system of social relationships, and the idea that people establish much of the meaning of their own lives are all prominent in analytical psychology as well, yet there is almost no reference to Jung in Adler’s writings. Finally, although Adler’s literary style is clear and understandable, it is also extremely repetitious. Many of his books consist of unedited lectures, and suffer from an irritating verbosity and lack of organization. Empirical Research A considerable amount ofresearch has been devoted to the effects of birth order on various personality and behavioral variables. These variables range from fundamental concerns like success in school and work, peer relationships, dependency, self-confidence, and competitiveness to more singular issues like hypnotizability and handedness. The results suggest that there is a Interest: A Challenge to Mankind (1933/1964b). Among the useful secondary sources are those by Bottome (1957), Ellenberger (1970), Furtmtiller (1946/1979), Manaster and Corsini (1982), and Orgler (1963/1972). 1. THE BASIC NATURE OF HUMAN BEINGS. Social Interest: Every human being has the innate potential to relate to and cooperate with other people. Social interest establishes the guidelines for proper personality development, and enables us to tame the superior forces of nature through cooperation. It is only a tendency, however, and it is all too possible to reject our inherent social interest and become pathologically self-centered. According to Adler, heredity exerts virtually no influence on personality. Life Goals and Teleology: We select our own life goals and the means of achieving them, usually by the fifth year of life. It is these future aspirations, rather than prior causes, that determine one’s personality. Feelings of Inferiority and the Striving for Superiority: The primary goal underlying all human behavior is that of striving for superiority (or self-perfection), which is motivated by the child’s feelings of inferiority relative to the formidable environment. Healthy strivings for superiority are guided by social interest, whereas pathological strivings are characterized by selfishness and a lack of concern for others. Everyone grows up with at least some feelings of inferiority, which may stimulate socially interested forms of compensation. If the child is exposed to pathogenic conditions, however, the feelings of helplessness may become overwhelming and result in a shattering inferiority complex. 2. THE STRUCTURE OF PERSONALITY. Adler’s holistic theory treats personality as an indivisible unity, and he makes no assumptions about its structure. He does accept the existence of some sort of unconscious, which includes those unpleasant character traits that we do not wish to understand. But he views conscious and unconscious as united in the service of the individual’s chosen life goals, rather than as engaged in conflict. 3. THE DEVELOPMENT OF PERSONALITY. The mother serves as the child’s bridge to social life, and proper maternal contact is responsible for the child’s development of social interest. The father’s role is to encourage feelings of self-reliance, and to stress the need for choosing an appropriate occupation. Pathogenic Developmental Factors: Personality development is strongly influenced by such potentially pathogenic factors as pampering, neglect, and organ inferiorities. It is not so much the child’s experiences that determine personality, however, but rather the conclusions drawn from them. Birth Order: The child’s position in the family influences personality development. The Style of Life: The child responds to the various developmental factors by choosing its life goals and the means of achieving them. These goals and methods, and the corresponding perceptions and memories, are known as the style of life. Every lifestyle is unique and is reflected by a person’s character traits, physical movements, and early recollections. 4. FURTHER APPLICATIONS. Dream Interpretation: Dreams are merely another expression of an individual’s style of life. They create a self-deceptive emotional state that remains present upon awakening and furthers the chosen life goals. Psychopathology: Psychopathology always involves an underlying inferiority complex and a lack of social interest. Common symptoms include the superiority complex and masculine protest. Neurosis originates in childhood, when the various pathogenic factors lead to the selection of a misguided style of life. Psychotherapy: The goal of Adlerian psychotherapy is to facilitate the development of a new and more socially interested style of life. To this end, the painful inferiority complex that underlies the patient’s selfish and distorted mode of striving for superiority must be brought to light. The therapist is encouraging rather than stem or omniscient, and strives to appear as an equal. Other Applications: Adler expressed a keen interest in work and education. 5. EVALUATION. Individual psychology has been criticized for presenting an oversimplified picture of human behavior, placing too much emphasis on social factors and inferiority feelings, expressing an inordinate optimism about human nature, and relying on an unscientific methodology. On the other hand, many of Adler’s ideas have been incorporated into the theories of modem psychologists. He is credited with calling attention to the social determinants of personality, originating the well-known terms inferiority complex and lifestyle, championing the equality of the sexes, emphasizing the role of self-selected goals on personality development, helping to originate group and family therapy, and furthering our understanding of criminality and childrearing. 1. How might Adler’s personality and life experiences have influenced his belief that: (a) conscious and unconscious act together to serve a person’s chosen goals, and personality is not tom by painful inner conflicts? (b) introspectiveness is one of the characteristics with which the “weakling” seeks to defend himself? (c) inherited instincts are a “superstition” and have no effect on personality? (d) unhealthy character traits (such as arrogance and shyness) and anxiety are “cheap tricks” for avoiding life’s difficulties, whereas neurosis is also an “easy way of escape?” 2. Do you agree or disagree with each of Adler’s ideas in the preceding question? Why? 3. Adler argues that social interest should establish the guidelines for proper personality development, rather than a superego. (a) Is this idea likely to be readily accepted in this country? (b) Give a real-life example of a person, or group of people, whose striving for superiority is lacking in social interest and harmful to society. 4. Give an example from real life, or from a well-known novel, to show how “fictions” can strongly influence behavior. 5. “Timidity, introspectiveness, [and] distrust [are] characteristics and traits with which the weakling seeks to defend himself.” (a) Why does a person become what Adler calls a “weakling?” (b) What positive reasons might Adler have had for using a derogatory term like “weakling?” (c) How do traits such as timidity and distrust enable a person to defend himself or herself, and from what? 6. Give an example from your own life, from the life of someone you know well, or from fiction to illustrate: (a) how pampering leads to a painful inferiority complex, (b) how neglect leads to a painful inferiority complex, (c) how an inferiority complex may be concealed beneath a superiority complex, (d) how an organ inferiority can lead to a painful inferiority complex, (e) a person who rejects social interest by “[building] a wall around himself [so as] to be secure in the possession of his wretched treasures,” (f) a healthy style of life. 7. What is the difference between praising or blaming a child’s success or failure and blaming the personality of the child? Illustrate with an example. 8. Based on your own life, do you agree with Adler’s conclusions regarding birth order? Why or why not? 9. What unconscious wish of Adler’s own might have been fulfilled by his belief that he “stopped dreaming as soon as [I] realized what dreaming meant?” 10. How would Adler interpret the following dreams? (a) The “train” dream described in Chapter 2, study question 12. (b) A young man dreams that he is flying in a jet plane. Suddenly the plane goes into a steep descent and seems about to crash. He is afraid, but wakes up before it hits the ground. 11. Give two examples to illustrate views of Adler that were more equalitarian than the corresponding views of Freud. 12. Adler argues that brilliant children should be placed in regular school classes, and not in gifted classes, so they can accelerate the progress of less capable students. (a) What personal reasons might Adler have had for such a belief? (b) Do you agree? Why or why not? 13. A terrorist blows up a building in a hated foreign country. How might Adler explain this behavior? 14. The chief executive officer of a major corporation lies to his coworkers and the public, thereby defrauding them of a great deal of money while making millions for himself. How might Adler explain this behavior? Part II. Comments and Suggestions 1. Consider Adler’s painful parting with Freud and desire to develop his own theory. Recall that Freud emphasized the importance of instinctual drives, the unconscious, and intrapsychic conflicts, and was himself introspective (e.g., his self-analysis). Note that “cheap tricks” and “easy way of escape” imply that unhealthy character traits and neurosis are largely within our conscious control. 2. (a) I disagree. Both my own experience and a substantial amount of clinical evidence indicate that intrapsychic conflicts are extremely important. See section 2 and the last paragraph of section 3 of the case material in the Appendix. (b) I disagree. Freud, Jung, and even Adler himself agree that it is essential and difficult to truly know ourselves, and self-knowledge cannot be obtained without introspection. (c) Idisagree. Although the “nature-nurture” controversy is far from easy to resolve, a substantial amount of research indicates that heredity has a significant effect on personality development. (d) Idisagree. Severe anxiety is far too painful to be only a conscious “trick” for gaining sympathy and attention, although this may be one of the secondary gains. Nor is there anything “easy” about a severe neurosis. Consider that Freud found his own anxiety and neurosis to be so painful that he was driven to devise appropriate methods of treatment. 3. (a) Which is more common in our society: people who stress charity and caring for others, or people who are individualistic and highly competitive (as with the well-known sentiment, “winning isn’t everything, it’s the only thing”)? (b) Consider the recent Enron scandal. 4. A fictional example of fictions: there are many instances in James Clavell’s Shogun where a belief in some sort of reincarnation influences the behavior of samurai warriors, notably their willingness to “die gloriously” in this life. A real-life parallel is that of kamikaze pilots during World War II. Of course, social pressures as well as fictions are involved in both examples. Some samurai or kamikaze pilots might well have doubted the desirability (let alone the glory) of dying for their liege lord or country, but feared the reaction of their leaders and peers. 5. (a) Consider the effects of pampering, neglect, and organ inferiorities, and the resulting life goals chosen by the individual. (b) Weakness can be overcome by building up one’s strength, as through appropriate training or learning. Conversely, attributing one’s problems to inherited influences may make them seem much more difficult or even insuperable. (c) Consider the behaviors that the person avoids because of these traits. How might it be more comforting not to try these beJIaviors, rather than to try and fail? 6. (a) See section 3 of the case material in the Appendix. (b) and (c) One of my favorite fictional examples, albeit not one that is well known, is that of Clark Fries in Robert Heinlein’s Podkayne of Mars. Clark is a precocious, unemotional, and highly intelligent ll-year-old who has been neglected by parents busy following their careers. He develops a style of life characterized by a distrust of other people and constant attempts to demonstrate his superiority, which are usually successful. For example, when a woman passenger on a spaceship acts snobbish and sarcastic toward his family, he soaks her washcloth in an undetectable chemical that causes her face to turn bright red for a few days, forcing her to confine herself to her quarters. He grudgingly tolerates his sister, a likable and apparently normal teenager, and takes pleasure in writing critical comments in her diary in invisible ink. Only at the end of the book is there a hint that Clark may some day be able to break through to his feelings and learn to care for other people. (d) See section 4 of the case material in the Appendix. (e) Two fictional examples: Ebenezer Scrooge, for obvious reasons; and Gail Wynand in Ayn Rand’s The Fountainhead, who detests common people because they are so fallible and keeps a secret cellar containing precious works of art that only he can enjoy. (f) At the risk of sounding cynical, I don’t know of many such examples. I hope you do. 7. I once heard a mother (not someone I knew) bawl out a child of about age 5 with words like the following: “What’s wrong with you? Nobody good would do something like that! You’ll never amount to anything! You’re stupid!” Incidents like this are usually not isolated ones; they represent typical patterns of behavior between parent and child. As Adler points out, such attacks on the child’s personality can have extremely harmful consequences, including profound resentment and the development of an inferiority complex. Like any parent, I sometimes overreact to my daughter’s misbehaviors, but I am careful to criticize her actions and not her personality. I might say: “Don’t make so much noise! That’s not a good thing to do when mommy is trying to rest.” 8. I agree that only children tend to be pampered, expect to be the center of attention, and exaggerate their own importance. But I doubt that accurate predictions about a person’s behavior can be made solely from his or her birth order, even though there are some books that claim to be able to do so. 9. Consider Adler’s painful parting with Freud, the great emphasis placed by Freud on dreams, and the purpose of the dream of the lawyer who had once been a classmate of Freud’s (see the section on dream interpretation in Chapter 2). 10. (a) What emotions might result on awakening from this dream, and how might these emotions influence the dreamer’s behavior? (b) What warning might this dream convey about the dreamer’s personality? 11. Consider Adler’s views about women and his therapeutic procedures. 12. (a) Recall that Adler was not a particularly good student, whereas Freud was. (b) If our society needs more capable people, should we risk slowing the progress of gifted children by placing them in regular classes, where the teacher must proceed in ways that will meet the needs of the majority of students? Or should the needs of slower learners matter just as much as the needs of gifted children? 13. Would Adler attribute the terrorist’s behavior to a dark side of personality winning an intrapsychic conflict with more positive components? Why not? Why might the terrorist have developed an inferiority complex and be lacking in social interest? Why might Adler argue that the terrorist was neglected during childhood? Why might Adler regard blowing up buildings as a “cheap trick” for gaining superiority? (Which is more difficult: to blow something up, or to find solutions to important but difficult problems that will benefit everyone?) What fictions might be influencing the terrorist’s behavior? How might Adler’s warning about the dangers of social inequalities, and his statement that “nobody can bear a position of inferiority without anger and disgust,” apply to the terrorist? 14. Would Adler attribute the executive’s behavior to a dark side of personality winning an intrapsychic conflict with more positive components? Why not? Why might the executive have developed an inferiority complex and be lacking in social interest? Why might Adler regard the executive’s behavior as a “cheap trick” for gaining superiority? These explanations are the same as in question 13; what might this imply about Adler’s theory? For Karen Horney, as for Jung and Adler, scientific debate involved some painful moments of professional rejection. Horney’s time of trial occurred in 1941, when it became apparent that her approach to psychoanalysis deviated significantly from the traditional Freudian concepts being taught at the New York Psychoanalytic Institute. A vociferous staff meeting ensued, culminating in a vote tantamount with her head held high-and to her dismissal. (See Rubins, 1978, pp. 239-240.) In the dead silence of an unforgettably dramatic moment, she arose and slowly walked out went on to establish her own important theory, one that combines an Adlerian emphasis on social factors and an optimistic view of human nature with the intrapsychic conflict model that Adler specifically rejected. • To devise a theory that retains Freud’s emphasis on the unconscious but stresses the social determinants of personality, notably the child’s relationship with the parents, rather than instincts. • To dispense with Freud’s controversial (and unmeasurable) construct of libido. • To correct Freud’s pessimistic view of human nature by arguing that our inner potentials are entirely healthy. • To show that Adler was wrong about personality being a unified whole and Freud was right: Personality often becomes a house divided against itself, torn by conflicting wishes and goals. • To explain such intrapsychic conflicts without dividing personality into separate parts like id, ego, and superego. • To show that psychopathology involves the compulsive need to be protected, to dominate others, or to be alone (”neurotic solutions”), severe intrapsychic conflicts, and intense anxiety and self-hate. • To explain why the neurotic isn’t satisfied with even significant achievements and compulsively strives for more. • To correct Freud’s errors about female sexuality. Karen Danielsen Horney was born in a small village (Blankenese) near Hamburg, Germany, on September 16, 1885. Her father was a tall, dashing sea captain whose male chauvinistic views frequently clashed with those of her proud, intelligent, and beautiful mother. Her family also included an older brother, several stepsisters and stepbrothers from her father’s two other marriages, and a warm and loving stepgrandmother. (See Kelman, 1967; Rubins, 1978.) Karen was an excellent student throughout her academic career, and received her medical doctorate degree from the University of Berlin in 1915. She underwent psychoanalytic training, joined the Berlin Psychoanalytic Institute in 1918, and began her own private practice one year later. However, she ultimately split with Freudian circles over the issue of female sexuality. Karen married Oskar Horney, a businessman, on October 31, 1909. The union produced three daughters; but a near-fatal bout with meningitis and the runaway postwar inflation in Germany left the formerly successful Oskar bankrupt and withdrawn. The Horneys separated during the 1920s, and were formally divorced in 1939. Like Freud, Horney has been described as complicated and multifaceted: strong and weak, empathic and aloof, motherly and uncaring, dominating and self-effacing, fair and petty. She was a private person who confided primarily in a diary until her early twenties, kept much of herself hidden from public view, and formed few intimate relationships. Yet she also possessed an evident charisma, capable of captivating individuals and large audiences alike. Interestingly, Horney’s own behavior included all three of the neurotic solutions that form the cornerstone of her theory: the need to merge with another person and surrender to a passionate relationship with a man (moving toward people), the need to control such wishes so that she could remain independent and have power over herself and others (moving against people), and occasional desires to resign from the world during difficult periods in her life by becoming listless and aloof (moving away from people). (See McAdams, 1993, pp. 211-221; Quinn, 1988; Rubins, 1978, pp. xii-xiv, 1-4,239,302,338.) Homey emigrated from Berlin to Chicago in 1932, and joined the New York Psychoanalytic Institute in 1934. However, the differences between her theoretical views and those of orthodox psychoanalysis soon led to acrimonious disputes. Her students’ final theses were summarily rejected by the institute because they did not conform sufficiently to standard doctrine, and she suffered the aforementioned fate of being formally disqualified as an instructor and training analyst in 1941. Homey thereupon resigned from the New York Psychoanalytic Society and founded her own American Institute for Psychoanalysis, whose members for a time included Fromm and Sullivan. (They, too, ultimately resigned to pursue their own theoretical predilections.) From then on her writings (in all, six books) were destined to be stubbornly ignored by strict Freudians, while gaining widespread recognition and acclaim elsewhere. Karen Homey died in New York of cancer on December 4, 1952. Homey (pronounced “horn-eye”) agrees with Adler that our inherent nature is constructive. We strive to develop our healthy potentialities, and pathological behavior occurs only if this innate force toward positive growth (self-realization) is blocked by external, social forces: Freud’s pessimism as regards neuroses and their treatment arose from the depths of his disbelief in human goodness and human growth. Man, he postulated, is doomed to suffer or to destroy. The instincts which drive him can only be controlled, or at best “sublimated.” My own belief is that man has the capacity as well as the desire to develop his potentialities and become a decent human being, and that these deteriorate if his relationship to others and hence to himself is, and continues to be, disturbed. (Homey, 1945, p. 19. See also Homey, 1942, p. 175.) THE STRUCTURE AND DEVELOPMENT OF PERSONALITY Homey shares Freud’s views about the importance of unconscious processes, including powerful and actively maintained repressions. Thus she emphatically rejects Adler’s holistic approach. “[Neurotics are] tom by inner conflicts …. Every neurotic … is at war with himself’ (Homey, 1945, p. 11; 1950, p. 112; see also Homey, 1939, pp. 20-22; 1945, p. 56). However, Homey has little to say about the structure and development of personality. “I do not consider it feasible to localize neurotic conflicts in a schematic way, as Freud does” (Homey, 1939, p. 191). She prefers to devote the majority of her writings to three major applications: neurosis, psychotherapy, and female sexuality. Homey agrees with Freud, Jung, and Adler that neurosis differs from more normal behavior in degree, rather than in kind. Life is difficult, and all of us experience conflicts at one time or another. However, there are striking differences between healthy conflicts and neurotic conflicts. Healthy conflicts may be entirely conscious and can usually be resolved, as when you must choose between going to a party and studying for the next day’s exam. Neurotic conflicts are considerably more severe, involve a dilemma that appears to be insoluble, and are always deeply repressed, so that “only slight bubbles of the battle raging within reach the surface” (Homey, 1945, p. 30; see also Homey, 1945, p. 27; 1950, p. 37). Basic Anxiety. Homey argues that neurosis results from disturbed interpersonal relationships during childhood, rather than from some instinctual or libidinal drive. The parents may behave in such pathogenic ways as domination, overprotectiveness, overindulgence, humiliation, perfectionism, hypocrisy, inconsistency, partiality to other siblings, blind adoration, or neglect: [These errors] all boil down to the fact that the people in the environment are too wrapped up in their own neuroses to be able to love the child, or even to conceive of him as the particular individual he is; their attitudes toward him are determined by their own neurotic needs and responses …. As a result, the child does not develop a feeling of belonging, of “we,” but instead a profound insecurity and vague apprehensiveness, for which I use the term basic anxiety. (Homey, 1950, p. 18; see also Homey, 1945, p. 41; 1950, pp. 202, 221-222, 275.) This feeling of being alone in an unfriendly and frightening world (basic anxiety) prevents the child from relating to people in a normal way. “His first attempts to relate himself to others are determined not by his real feelings, but by strategic necessities. He cannot simply like or dislike, trust or distrust, express his wishes or protest against those of others, but [must] devise ways to cope with people and to manipulate them with minimum damage to himself’ (Homey, 1945, p. 219). To alleviate the painful feelings of anxiety, the child abandons the healthy drive for selfrealization in favor of an all-out quest for safety. The child seeks safety by exaggerating one of the three main characteristics of basic anxiety: helplessness, aggressiveness, or detachment. The neurotic solution of helplessness is denoted by excessive desires for protection (moving toward people), the aggressive orientation leads to attempts at domination and mastery (moving against people), and the detached solution emphasizes the avoidance of others (moving away from people). Each of these three neurotic solutions is compulsive and inflexible. Unlike the healthy individual, who can move toward, against, or away from people as circumstances dictate, the neurotic rarely deviates from the chosen orientation. At times, however, exceptions do occur. The two orientations that are consciously underemphasized remain powerful in the unconscious, and they occasionally break through to influence overt behavior. Moving Toward People. The neurotic who moves toward people tries to reduce anxiety and gain safety by being cared for and protected. The sufferer acts as though others “must love me, protect me, forgive me, not desert me because I am so weak and helpless.” This feeling of “poor little me” is rather like “Cinderella bereft of her fairy godmother” (Homey, 1945, p. 53; see also Homey, 1945, pp. 48-62; 1950, pp. 214-258). Such individuals consciously believe that they are sincerely interested in other people and want to be helpful and compliant. They are unaware that they are repressing powerful hostility, selfishness, and healthy self-assertiveness. “Where [this] patient errs is in claiming that all his frantic beating about for affection and approval is genuine, while in reality the genuine portion is heavily ov~rshadowed by his insatiable urge to feel safe …. [The patient who moves toward people has strongly repressed a] callous lack of interest in others, attitudes of defiance, … [the desire] to control and manipulate others, [and] relentless needs to excel or to enjoy vindictive triumphs” (Horney, 1945, pp. 51, 55). Moving Against People. The neurotic who moves against people regards life as a Darwinian jungle where only the fittest survive, and tries to reduce anxiety and gain safety through mastery and domination. Like the neglected child in Adlerian theory, the sufferer regards most people as potential enemies. “Any situation or relationship is looked at from the standpoint of ‘what can I get out of it?’ … To [this individual] ruthlessness is strength, [a] lack of consideration for others [is] honesty, and a callous pursuit of one’s own ends [is] realism” (Horney, 1945, pp. 65, 68; see also Horney, 1945, pp. 63-72; 1950, pp. 187-213). Such individuals consciously believe that they are strong and dominating. They are unaware that they are repressing powerful feelings of helplessness and a healthy need for love, and they may behave sadistically toward those who are weak because this serves as an unpleasant reminder of what they most dislike about themselves. Horney (1945, pp. 115-130) refers to this as the externalization of unconscious material, a construct that is similar to Freudian and Jungian projection (and one that occurs in all forms of neurosis). Moving Away From People. The neurotic who moves away from people tries to reduce anxiety and gain safety by avoiding contact with others. “He is like a person in a hotel room who rarely removes the ‘Do Not Disturb’ sign from his door” (Horney, 1945, p. 76; see also Horney, 1945, pp. 73-95; 1950, pp. 259-290). Such individuals consciously believe that they are completely self-sufficient, and that no other person or thing is indispensable. They sustain this belief by unconsciously limiting their needs, numbing their emotions, and overestimating their uniqueness and superiority. They rarely ask for help, even if this means not getting what they want. And they are likely to regard the need to give a birthday gift or be on time for an appointment, the physical pressure of a tight collar or necktie, or the slightest possibility of an emotional attachment to another person as an unwarranted and hostile intrusion from the outside world. They do not realize that no person is an island, and that they are repressing powerful wishes to be dependent and healthy desires for affiliation and love. The Idealized Image. The repressed aspects of the neurotic’s personality and the painful inner conflicts are further concealed through the development of a glorious idealized image (Horney, 1945, pp. 96-114,139; 1950, pp. 22-23, 86-109). A compliant neurotic may believe that she is so unselfish and attractive as to deserve undying love. An aggressive neurotic may think that he always knows best and never makes a mistake. Or a detached neurotic who actually craves affection may believe that she is so capable and self-sufficient as never to need anything from anyone. Despite its implausible aspects, the idealized image appears quite realistic to its creator. The result is a vicious circle. The idealized image establishes unattainable standards that either bring about eventual defeat, or cause the sufferer to shrink from the acid test of reality. Such failures increase the hate for and alienation from the fallible true self (self-contempt), and this intensifies the inner conflicts and the dependence on the idealized image. (See Figure 5.1.) As this image becomes increasingly unrealistic, the individual feels compelled to bolster it with still greater triumphs (glory). (See Horney, 1945, p. 98; 1950, pp. 39, 118, 154-155,367.) Like Faust, neurotics “sell their soul to the devil” by abandoning their real desires in favor of the idealized image. And like Frankenstein, their creation arises to destroy them. For the Parental pathogenic behaviors: Jominalion. uvcrprOlectivcness. overinJulgence. humiliation, etc. Safelv replaces self· realization as chilo’s primary goal Increaseo anxiety, contempt real self for Chilo tries to achieve safety bv moving toward. against. or awav from people Unrealistic, unattainable stanoaros; ·’sholilos” Greater neeo for ioealizeo self· image r—-: I ——-, : .J I L Repression of other two OrIentations FIG. 5.1. The vicious circle produced antecedents. by the idealized image, and its battle between the pathological idealized image and the healthy but apparently weak and humiliating real self proves to be the most serious inner conflict of all: Roughly speaking, a person builds up an idealized image of himself because he cannot tolerate himself as he actually is. The image apparently counteracts this calamity; but having placed himself on a pedestal, he can tolerate his real self still less and starts to rage against it, to despise himself and to chafe under the yoke of his own unattainable demands upon himself. He wavers then between self-adoration and self-contempt, between his idealized image and his despised image, with no solid middle ground to fall back on …. The godlike [self] is bound to hate his actual [self] …. [and this is] the central inner conflict. (Homey, 1945, p. 112; 1950, pp. 112,368.) The idealized image bears some similarity to the Adlerian superiority complex, since both conceal feelings of weakness from oneself. But the grandiose idealized image is at war with the fallible real self, which differs sharply from Adler’s holistic and unified conception of personality. “It was Adler’s great contribution to realize the importance for neuroses of drives for power and superiority. Adler, however … stayed too much on the surface of the problems involved …. [and] is in fact a good example of how even a productive insight into psychological processes can become sterile if pursued onesidedly and without foundation in the basic discoveries of Freud” (Homey, 1950, p. 372; 1937, p. x; see also Homey, 1937, pp. 186-187; 1939, p. 268). Claims and Shoulds. The idealized image often converts wishes into unrealistic claims, which supposedly entitle the sufferer to triumph and glory. A lonely individual who unconsciously feels unlovable may make no effort to alleviate this painful situation, and The feeling of being alone in an unfriendly and frightening world. The three main characteristics of basic anxiety are helplessness, aggressiveness, and detachment. Unrealistic demands and expectations that the neurotic imposes on other people. Experiencing intrapsychic processes as occurring outside oneself; similar to projection. Grandiose feelings of triumph because one appears to have fulfilled the demands of the idealized image. However, the neurotic quest for glory is compulsive and insatiable. A grandiose, glorious self-image that conceals one’s weak and hated real self. Moving against people (mastery) A neurotic attempt to reduce anxiety and gain safety by dominating and mastering other people, while repressing feelings of helplessness and detachment and healthy needs for love. One of the three neurotic solutions to the problem of basic anxiety. A neurotic attempt to reduce anxiety and gain safety by avoiding other people and trying to be completely self-sufficient, while repressing feelings of helplessness and aggressiveness and healthy needs for friendship and love. One of the three neurotic solutions to the problem of basic anxiety. A neurotic attempt to reduce anxiety and gain safety by being cared for and protected, while repressing feelings of aggressiveness and detachment and healthy self-assertiveness. One of the three neurotic solutions to the problem of basic anxiety. An unconscious intrapsychic clash between healthy and neurotic drives, or between opposing neurotic drives. Hating one’s true abilities, feelings, and wishes because they differ from (and seem much worse than) the glorious idealized image. Developing one’s healthy innate potentials and abilities. Commands to conform to the idealized image that come from one’s own personality, but may be externalized and appear (incorrectly) to be imposed by other people. Moving away from people (detachment) Moving toward people (compliance) Neurotic conflict (inner conflict) Self-contempt (self-hate) Self-realization Shoulds expect to be invited out by someone incompetence may claim to deserve else. A neurotic with repressed feelings of professional a better job without earning it, or even asking for it. Or patients may expect great gains from psychotherapy without having to work at their problems (Homey, 1950, pp. 40-63). The neurotic is also driven by self-imposed inner commands that are designed to satisfy the idealized image, which Homey calls “the tyranny of the should.” This may involve the belief that one should be world famous, totally unselfish, always right, always victorious, a perfect lover or spouse, and so forth. Shoulds may be externalized and appear (incorrectly) to be imposed by other people, such as one’s parents or boss. Unlike the Freudian superego, shoulds are always a neurotic force “exactly p. 67; see also pp. 64-85, 123). like political tyranny in a police state” (Homey, 1950, Other Neurotic Symptoms. Because the sufferer is pulled in opposite directions by the painful inner conflicts, he or she is likely to behave in ways that are inconsistent and indecisive. A neurotic who moves toward people may occasionally express her healthy selfassertiveness, fear that she will lose the protection of other people, and become even more compliant. Or a detached neurotic may heed dimly sensed desires for love and affection by going to a party, only to leave quickly because the need to move away from people becomes paramount. Such behavior resembles a car that is driven with one foot on the gas pedal and the other foot on the brake, with sufferer lurching first one way and then the other. Inner conflicts between the neurotic’s repressed true desires and the demands of the idealized image may turn relatively minor decisions into major and exhausting crises, such as whether to attend a social function or what to order for dinner in a restaurant. Other common symptoms of neurosis include hopelessness and despair about ever getting well, caused by the impossibility of satisfying the idealized image, and fatigue, which results from wasting substantial energy on the severe inner turmoil. Like Adler, Homey regards the Oedipus complex as a symptom that results from improper childrearing, rather than as a universal phenomenon. (See Homey, 1937, pp. 79-84,159-161; 1939,pp. 79-87; 1945,pp. 143-190; 1950,p. 143.) Psychotherapy Theoretical Foundation. The goal of Homeyan psychotherapy is to unearth and resolve the patient’s deeply repressed inner conflicts, thereby freeing the innate constructive forces to grow and develop. (See Homey, 1939, pp. 276-305; 1945, pp. 217-243; 1950, pp. 333-365.) Ideally, the patient makes two important discoveries about the supposedly lifesaving neurotic solution: It actually produces increased frustration and self-contempt, and it conceals powerful opposing forces. The neurotic who moves toward people discovers the hostility and selfishness that underlie the excessive desires to please others. The neurotic who moves against people becomes aware of powerful feelings of helplessness. And the neurotic who moves away from people recognizes the strong dependency needs that conflict with the desire to avoid others. The patient must then bring the central inner conflict to light, relinquish the alluring idealized image, and opt for the substantial satisfaction (and challenge) of actualizing the real self. To be effective, however, such insights must be apprehended emotionally as well as intellectually: [The patient's] know ledge of himself must not remain an intellectual know ledge, though it may start this way, but must become an emotional experience …. The mere intellectual realization is in the strict sense of the word no “realization” at all: it does not become real to him; it does not become his personal property; it does not take roots in him. (Homey, 1950, pp. 342-343.) Therapeutic Procedures. Like Freud, Homey makes extensive use of free association and interpretation. However, she is more active than the typical Freudian analyst. Also, like Adler, Homey seeks to change the patient’s chosen objectives and expectations. In response to a patient’s profound feelings of hopelessness, the therapist may say: “Of course the situation is difficult. But what makes it hopeless is your own attitude toward it. If you would consider changing your claims on life, there would be no need to feel hopeless” (Homey, 1945, p. 186). If a patient suffers from powerful fears of being humiliated by others, the therapist may interpret this as an extemalization of intense self-contempt. “It is a long and hard lesson for anybody to learn that others can neither hurt nor establish self-esteem” (Homey, 1950, p. 136). Unlike Freud, Homey often encourages patients to engage in self-analysis. And she warns that an overemphasis on childhood events may encourage patients to wallow in the memory of past hurts instead of working at the arduous task of therapy. (See Homey, 1942; 1945, pp. 8, 14,127-129,177-178; 1950, p. 351.) Dream Interpretation. Homeyan psychotherapy derives valuable information from a patient’s dreams. Unlike Adler, Homey regards dreams as indicative of our true feelings, rather than as an attempt at self-deception. Dreaming of misplacing one’s passport, or of a picture frame that encloses an empty canvas, expresses the loss of the dreamer’s real self. As in individual psychology, dreams of falling reveal the insecurity that underlies the patient’s conscious conceit; and as in analytical psychology, dreaming of being a tramp or idiot may serve as compensation for conscious arrogance. A nightmare of being trapped in a room with a murderer reflects intense selfcontempt, whereas dreaming of tenderly cultivating a growing plant suggests self-concern and sympathy. A dream of making a long-distance telephone call to the therapist indicates the wish to maintain a detached orientation, and dreaming of the analyst as a jailer reveals a desire to blame one’s difficulties on others through extemalization. (See Homey, 1939, pp. 31-32; 1945,pp.87, 129; 1950,pp.31, 152-153, 188,318,349-350.) Resistance and Transference. Homey shares Freud’s belief that patients have powerful unconscious resistances to psychotherapy. But Homey argues that patients defend their neurotic solutions and deny the existence of their inner conflicts in order to preserve a sense of personal unity, avoid the frightening prospect of change, and cling to the only apparently successful mode of adjustment that they have ever known. However, resistances are not entirely harmful. They provide clues about important unconscious issues that the patient wishes to avoid, and they afford protection when the therapist offers interpretations that are too threatening. (See Homey, 1942, pp. 267-285; 1945, pp. 187-189; 1950, pp. 201, 334, 340; Singer, 1970, pp. 223-248.) In marked contrast to Adler, Homey regards transference as Freud’s greatest discovery. However, she argues that transference occurs because the therapist becomes a ready target for the patient’s habitual attempts to move toward, against, or away from people. The aggressive neurotic tries to dominate the therapist, the detached neurotic waits like a bystander for the therapist to provide miraculous cures, and the compliant neurotic uses pain and suffering to justify expectations of instant help (Homey, 1939, pp. 154-167; 1950, p. 338). Homey cautions that the goals of therapy are never completely achieved. “It does not lie within the power of the analyst to turn the patient into a flawless human being. He can only help him to become free to strive toward an approximation of these ideals …. The aim of analysis is not to render life devoid of risks and conflicts, but to enable an individual eventually to solve his problems himself’ (Homey, 1939, p. 305; 1945, p. 243). Female Sexuality Although Homey regards herself as a neo- Freudian, her theory of female sexuality hews more closely to Adler. Her early writings do concede the existence of penis envy; but she emphatically rejects Freud’s contention that healthy women crave a boy baby as a disguised penis substitute, and that the lack of a penis produces greater self-contempt and a weaker superego. According to Homey, an organism biologically built for female functions cannot be ruled psychologically by a wish for masculine attributes. She points out that Freudian psychoanalysis is based primarily on studies by male therapists of male patients, which may well have obscured the joys of motherhood and other uniquely feminine superiorities. (See Horney, 1939, pp. 104-105; 1923-1937/1967,pp.38,53-55,60,63.) Instead, Horney emphasizes cultural influences on female behavior. If society regards strength, courage, independence, and sexual freedom as masculine characteristics, while depicting frailty and dependence as inherently feminine, women will tend to believe that they deserve a subordinate position. “The view that women are infantile and emotional creatures, and as such, incapable of responsibility and independence is the work of the masculine tendency to lower women’s self-respect” (Horney, 1923-1937/1967, p. 146). Horney argues that envy works both ways, with men unconsciously jealous of women’s breasts, passivity, and ability to bear children. She also warns that the concept of penis envy may encourage female patients to externalize their problems by blaming them on nature, rather than on their own neurotic behavior. “Every person belonging to a minority group or to a less privileged group tends to use that status as a cover for inferiority feelings of various sources” (Horney, 1939, p. 109). Horney has been criticized for borrowing too freely from individual psychology and/or Freudian psychoanalysis, and for failing to introduce many new and important constructs. Despite her protestations, externalization is virtually indistinguishable from projection; the idealized image is hardly a radical departure from the superiority complex; shoulds operate much like an overly severe superego; and the idea of intrapsychic conflicts between such opposites as aggressiveness and helplessness closely resembles the defense mechanism of reaction formation. In addition, self-realization is a concept of Jungian origin. Scientific judgment can be unkind to those who merely revise the ideas of others, as Horney herself has observed. “[Many successors] fail to give Freud sufficient credit for pioneering work. It is easy enough to modify, but it takes genius to be the first to visualize the possibilities” (Horney, 1939, p. 154). Nor has her theory stimulated much empirical research. Perhaps most importantly, Horney’s emphasis on neurosis causes her to neglect normal personality development. Since she regards neurosis as a matter of degree, and uses the term neurotic only in the sense of “a person to the extent that he is neurotic” (Horney, 1945, p. 27), her theory is applicable to more healthy individuals as well. Yet all too many critics have taken her writings at surface value and characterized her primarily as a clinician, seriously underestimating her importance as a personality theorist. Horney’s writings represent the views of a skilled and experienced psychotherapist, and are presented clearly enough to faci