Introduction
The chapter begins with an account of loyalist governor Thomas Hutchinson. As governor of Massachusetts, Hutchinson presided over Boston’s most turbulent years, witnessing the Sugar Act, the Stamp Act, the Townshend duties, and the Tea Act, all of which preceded and helped to precipitate the American Revolution. Unlike many Americans, though, he did not condemn the British government for abridging colonists’ traditional English liberties in the aftermath of the Seven Years’ War.
The Seven Years’ War, 1754-1763, pp. 174-182
From the late seventeenth to the late eighteenth centuries, whenever England and France fought wars for European domination, their respective colonists in North America were affected. In the 1750s, tensions heightened in the Ohio Valley, land contested by Virginians, Pennsylvanians, the French in Canada, and native Indian tribes. The result was the Seven Years’ War, which spread in 1756 to encompass much of Europe, the Caribbean, and even India. The immense costs of war—in money, in deaths, in desires for revenge by losers and even winners—laid the groundwork for the crisis between British leaders and American colonists in the 1760s.
French-English Rivalry in the Ohio Country
In 1753, the French moved south with the objective of building a solid, fortified defense to protect their trading relationship with Indians from Pennsylvania traders. Virginia as well as France claimed the territory, and a group of powerful Virginia planters organized the Ohio Company, obtaining a royal grant to a large tract of land in the Ohio Valley. The Virginia governor sent the young and inexperienced George Washington to warn the French to leave the region. Washington was then given the difficult task of driving the French away without appearing to be the aggressor and without starting a larger war. Events were soon beyond Washington’s control. Washington’s colonial soldiers and allied Indians from the Mingo tribe engaged a small encampment of French troops in the Ohio Country. Against Washington’s wishes, the Mingos killed some wounded French soldiers. That act turned Washington into the aggressor and provoked French retaliation. Washington tried to defend a hastily built structure dubbed “Fort Necessity” with a force of several hundred Virginia militiamen, but Washington had been abandoned by the Mingos, who felt he was a dictatorial leader. French troops overwhelmed Fort Necessity and sent Washington back to Virginia to tell the British that France intended to defend its claims in the Ohio Valley.
The Albany Congress and Intercolonial Defense
The British knew that they would need both help from the colonists and Indian neutrality to win the war with the French. Twenty-four delegates from seven colonies met in Albany, New York, to discuss the feasibility of a united colonial effort to deal more effectively with the French threat. Also present were Iroquois of the Six Nations, a political confederacy of six large tribes inhabiting the central and western parts of what is now the state of New York. A prime impetus for the Albany Congress was to appease disgruntled Mohawk Indians and repair trade relations with them in order to enlist their help—or at least their neutrality—against the French threat. Led by Benjamin Franklin and Thomas Hutchinson, the Albany Congress proposed the Albany Plan of Union, a document that proposed to provide for colonial defense by instituting a unified but limited government over all the colonies. The Albany Plan humbly reaffirmed Parliament’s authority; this was not a bid for enlarged autonomy of the colonies. However, neither the colonies nor Parliament liked the idea. Instead, the British authorities chose to centralize dealings with the Indians by appointing in 1755 two superintendents of Indian affairs, one for the northern and another for the southern colonies, each with exclusive powers to negotiate treaties, trade, and land sales. At this very early point in the Seven Years’ War, the Iroquois Nations from western New York concluded that the French military presence around the Great Lakes and in the frontier west would help discourage the westward push of Anglo-Americans, and therefore chose to side with the French.
The War and Its Consequences
In 1755, the British hoped for a quick victory by throwing armies at the French in three strategic places. General Edward Braddock was sent from England to attack the French at Fort Duquesne and drive them from the Ohio Valley. The first two years of the conflict went badly for England, but the tide began to turn in 1757 as Prime Minister William Pitt committed a huge number of troops and much money to the war effort. The decisive English victory came in 1759, when the British defeated the French forces holding the city of Quebec. The loss of Quebec demoralized the French army, and although the war was over in North America within a year’s time, it continued in the Caribbean, Europe, and even India. As a result of England’s eventual victory, all of North America east of the Mississippi River now belonged to Great Britain. However, the Treaty of Paris allowed France to retain its islands in the Caribbean, and French territory west of the Mississippi River was transferred to Spain. Indians lost more than the colonists, since their lands were assigned to English rule, and they lost the ability to play the European opponents off against each other. Americans were unhappy that England credited its own soldiers for the victory, disparaging colonial contributions and condemning continued American trade with the French. The enormous expense of the war caused by Pitt’s no-holds-barred military strategy cast another huge shadow over the victory for both the British and the Americans.
British Leadership, Indians, and the Proclamation of 1763
King George III came to the throne at the age of twenty-two in the middle of the Seven Years’ War. He trusted only his tutor, the Earl of Bute, who was an outsider to London’s power circles. Bute was installed as head of George’s cabinet ministers, from which position he decided to keep an expensive standing army in America. This was due largely to fighting between Indians and colonists. Indians, who refused to accept defeat along with their French allies, began attacking British forts. In 1763, the Ottowa chief Pontiac attacked a British garrison; this was followed by many other such attacks, in which the Ottowa tribe was joined by other tribes from surrounding regions. British and colonial troops quelled Pontiac’s uprising, and, in an effort to maintain control of the situation, the British issued the Proclamation of 1763. This established a line drawn from Canada to Georgia, along the Appalachian Mountains, to the west of which colonists were forbidden to settle and beyond which all territory was reserved for the Indians. It also limited trade with Indians to traders licensed by colonial governors, and it forbade private sales of Indian land. Settlers and land speculators alike were incensed at this restriction on westward movement. Indian tribes, though they were dealt with cautiously, would continue to feel the pressure of westward Anglo migration.
The Sugar and Stamp Acts, 1763-1765, pp. 183-191
Over the course of the 1760s, the new king, George III, and his revolving door of ministers attempted to formulate policies that would address the problem of the huge British war debt. These interventions would be met with increasing consternation on the part of Americans.
Grenville’s Sugar Act
It fell to Bute’s successor as prime minister, George Grenville, to formulate policies to deal with the war debt. Grenville discovered that customs officers’ salaries were four times as great as the revenue they collected, a discrepancy due in large part to bribery and smuggling. Americans were particularly unwilling to pay a high duty on French molasses, which they used to make rum. Grenville devised the Revenue Act of 1764, or “Sugar Act,” which lowered the molasses duty but increased the penalties for smuggling, allowing British naval crews to board and examine ships and to send smugglers to a vice-admiralty court in Halifax, Nova Scotia. While the British viewed these measures as appropriate and necessary for administering the colonies, the colonists found this increased British interference in their affairs disturbing and unwelcome.
The Stamp Act
Continued evasion prevented the Revenue Act of 1764 from becoming the moneymaker Grenville had envisioned. Thus, in 1765, he secured passage of the Stamp Act, which led to conflict over Parliament’s right to tax the colonies at all. The Stamp Act was simple: Americans were to pay a tax on all printed or official papers, with a special stamp being embossed on all such documents to show that the tax had been paid. Unlike the Sugar Act, which levied a tax as part of a trade regulation, the new tax was intended simply to raise money. Anticipating opposition, he stipulated that all stamp distributors be from the colonies to avoid the problem of hostility to British enforcers. He was warned by Thomas Hutchinson that because colonists had not paid taxes before, they could reasonably conclude that Parliament had conceded the right to tax to local legislatures. English tradition held that taxes were a gift of the people to their rulers, approved by their representatives. However, Grenville believed that colonists were virtually represented in Parliament, while Americans argued that they were represented only in their own legislative bodies.
Resistance Strategies and Crowd Politics
Colonial reaction to the Stamp Act assumed various forms. In Virginia’s House of Burgesses, Patrick Henry submitted a series of resolutions—the Virginia Resolves—two of which intimated strongly that neither king nor Parliament had the right to legislate for the colonies. Local communities also responded to the Stamp Act’s passage. In the summer of 1765, the Boston Sons of Liberty—a group formed under politician Samuel Adams—engaged in demonstrations, while mobs destroyed the future stamp office and inflicted other increasingly violent forms of intimidation on those suspected of supporting the tax. By November 1, 1765, the day the act took effect, no Bostonian was foolish enough to become a distributor and enforce the act. It seemed that the colonists, at least temporarily, had won the day. Hutchinson remained as lieutenant governor, however, and within five years he would agree to become the royal governor.
Liberty and Property
Soon groups calling themselves the Sons of Liberty were protesting the Stamp Act in almost every colony. In the fall of 1765, nine colonies sent representatives to a Stamp Act Congress in New York to discuss possible united colonial opposition to the act. They were extremely cautious in addressing the issue of parliamentary sovereignty but claimed that taxes were “free gifts of the people” that only the people’s representatives could give. They dismissed virtual representation. Up to 1765, the majority of colonists accepted Parliament’s status as a government that represented them for legislative purposes. However, they saw the right to own property as a special kind of liberty requiring security against greedy rulers who might try to strip them of their property. This fear led the colonists to conclude that only a governing body in which they directly were represented could tax them. They believed the Stamp Act violated this principle of liberty and property, and some began to speak and write of a conspiracy among British leaders to enslave them. English politicians and merchants were concerned about trade disruption and pressed for the repeal of the Stamp Act. By late 1765, Grenville was replaced by the Marquess of Rockingham, who pushed for repeal. The Stamp Act finally was rescinded in March 1766. However, George III and Parliament were determined to uphold parliamentary sovereignty and thus simultaneously issued the Declaratory Act. In asserting Parliament’s right to legislate for the colonies “in all cases whatsoever,” the act upheld Parliament’s power to tax.
The Townshend Acts and Economic Retaliation, 1767-1770, pp. 191-195
The Marquess of Rockingham was replaced by William Pitt in the summer of 1766. Pitt appointed Charles Townshend to be the empire’s chief financial minister, making it his job to deal with the war debt and the continuing cost of stationing the British army in America. Unfortunately, Townshend’s simple plan to raise revenue quickly in the colonies turned into a major political and economic blunder. In 1768 and 1769, the American colonies were agitated by boycotts of British goods and demonstrations against British policies; Boston led the uproar.
The Townshend Duties
Townshend proposed a tax in the form of a navigation act establishing new duties on tea, glass, lead, paper, and painters’ colors. Townshend assumed that duties levied on trade would be more acceptable than internal taxes, but, although the duties were not burdensome, the fact that they were intended solely to raise money grated on colonists. The duties also provided that some of the money generated would go to paying royal governors’ salaries in order to end their dependence on state legislatures. Then Townshend came down hard on the New York assembly when it refused to implement the 1765 Quartering Act, mandating that colonists furnish shelter and provisions for British soldiers. Americans began to worry that their representative legislative government was not secure. Protest was spearheaded by Massachusetts, which issued a circular letter for all the colonies to endorse protesting the Townshend duties. In Great Britain, Lord Hillsborough denounced Massachusetts’s circular letter and ordered the dissolution of the Massachusetts assembly.
Nonconsumption and the Daughters of Liberty
Boston retaliated against the British by organizing a consumer boycott of all British-made goods. All the colonies eventually established similar policies, called nonconsumption agreements, and then nonimportation agreements, which barred British imports entirely. These strategies were difficult to enforce because merchants were concerned about their financial impact. In late 1768, however, Boston merchants agreed to suspend trade, and other major cities followed suit. As keepers of their households, women played an important role in nonconsumption, and home manufacture like the spinning of cloth became symbolic of American patriotism. In 1768-1770, newspapers reported on spinning matches or bees in some sixty New England towns, in which women came together in public to make yarn. This surge of public spinning infused traditional women’s work with new political purpose. Yet, unlike the Sons of Liberty, who marched in streets, burned effigies, and threatened hated officials, Daughters of Liberty manifested their patriotism quietly, in ways marked by piety, industry, and charity. The difference was due in part to cultural ideals of gender, in part to class, and in part to views of how best to challenge authority. Nonconsumption of British goods proved an effective colonial weapon because, as predicted, it hurt British merchants and manufacturers.
Military Occupation and “Massacre” in Boston
In the midst of the uproar over the Townshend duties, the English government sent troops to Boston to help keep the peace. The presence of British troops exacerbated the already hostile relationship between British officials and city inhabitants. Until 1770, things were quiet, but the end of the nonimportation agreements began a new round of controversy in Boston. First, a low-level customs official fired on a crowd and accidentally killed a young boy. Tensions mounted over the weeks that followed, and on March 5, 1770, there was a violent confrontation between troops and Bostonians. When the smoke cleared, five Americans lay dead. This event quickly became known as the Boston Massacre. The Sons of Liberty made sure that the five victims had funerals befitting heroic martyrs. One victim, Crispus Attucks, a sailor and ropemaker in his forties, son of an African man and a Natick Indian woman, was the first African American to die in the American Revolution. Further violence was avoided, and Boston lawyers John Adams and Josiah Quincy defended the British troops, hoping to demonstrate to the empire that most colonists were not lawless but interested in preserving liberty and justice. Adams and Quincy won a full acquittal for the British commander and for all but two of the soldiers.
The Tea Party and the Coercive Acts, 1770-1774, pp. 195-202
Around the time of the Boston Massacre crisis, a new ministry in London, headed by Lord Frederick North, sought to ease tensions and end the boycott of British goods caused by the Townshend duties. In 1770, Lord North repealed all of the Townshend duties except the one on tea, which he hoped would serve as a reminder of parliamentary supremacy. There were two years of relative calm, convincing people that further trouble might be avoided, but renewed struggles over the tea tax in 1773 would eventually lead to war in 1775.
The Calm before the Storm
After the repeal of the Townshend duties, trade boomed and relations with the empire were relatively peaceful. However, the 1772 Gaspée incident and the royal commission of inquiry that followed fed colonial suspicions by suggesting that if suspects were arrested, they would be sent to England to be tried for treason. In the same year, a proposal for paying the salaries of superior court justices out of the tea duty created alarm. In response, the colonial assemblies and many Massachusetts towns established committees of correspondence, which The calm finally was shattered entirely by the Tea Act of 1773, which was designed to relieve the financially strapped East India Company by allowing the company to sell its tea through special government agents directly to the Americans, many of whom purchased and drank cheap smuggled Dutch tea.
Tea in Boston Harbor
Radicals argued that the Tea Act was an insidious trick to make Americans buy dutied tea. Colonists could not use nonimportation to combat the threat because the trade was lucrative, and it was impossible to distinguish dutied tea from smuggled tea once it was brewed. Once again, the Sons of Liberty turned to pressuring agents to resign. In Boston, several ships carrying tea sensed the tension upon their arrival in the harbor, and sought to return to England with the tea rather than attempt to unload it. Governor Hutchinson refused, after a long standoff, to let the ship leave the harbor without paying the tax. In December 1773, a group of the Sons of Liberty, dressed as Indians, boarded the British ships and dumped thousands of pounds of tea into Boston harbor.
The Coercive Acts
Outraged at the colonists’ vandalism and their contempt for British property rights, Lord North persuaded Parliament to issue the Coercive Acts. These acts closed the port of Boston, altered the colony’s charter to increase the powers of the royal governor, allowed royal officials accused of capital crimes to be tried in England, and instituted a new amendment to the Quartering Act that permitted the lodging of soldiers in private households. In effect, these acts placed Boston and the colony of Massachusetts under martial law. Massachusetts colonists were further outraged by the subsequent passage of the Quebec Act, which gave the French Catholic province of Quebec control of the Ohio Valley and the lucrative fur trade. The acts alarmed other colonists, who saw them as a sign of England’s ability to override local government. Via the committees of correspondence, the colonial leaders arranged to meet in Philadelphia in the fall of 1774 to respond to the crisis.
The First Continental Congress
In response to the Coercive Acts, the colonies called for the convening of the First Continental Congress, which met in Philadelphia in the fall of 1774. Men of all political persuasions were there, from radicals to moderates. The congress met for seven weeks and eventually hammered out a declaration of rights asserting that each colonial government had the sole right to legislate for and tax its own people. Delegates also approved the formation of a Continental Association to implement a unified boycott of English trade. These bodies became functioning political bodies despite their lack of formal authority, in large part because they were composed of the same men who had been in the colonial legislatures.
Domestic Insurrections, 1774-1775, pp. 203-206
Before the Second Continental Congress could meet, war broke out in Massachusetts. General Thomas Gage, the military commander and new royal governor, initially thought that he was facing a domestic insurrection that would be quelled easily by a show of force. Americans, however, felt that they were defending themselves from an enslaving government. In the South, slaves took the patriot rhetoric of slavery to mount their own kind of insurrection in the name of liberty.
Lexington and Concord
Thomas Gage believed that the British position was bad; he requested 20,000 troops and also advised that the Coercive Acts be repealed. When English leaders refused to back down, he began organizing troops for a decisive strike against rebel “minutemen” who were gathering in the countryside. In April 1775, his attempt to organize a surprise attack on a suspected ammunition storage site at Concord was ruined when his forces were met by American militiamen at Lexington, five miles east of their destination. The British dispersed the men, went on to Concord, where they found no ammunition, and then exchanged shots with more militiamen at the Old North Bridge. As the British returned to Boston, they were fired on by militia units from both sides of the road in the bloodiest exchange of the day. The war had begun.
Rebelling against Slavery
Besides marking the military beginnings of the American rebellion, the battles at Lexington and Concord also aroused a more profound issue that the rhetoric and ideology of rebellion brought to the forefront: black slavery. Lord Dunmore, the royal governor of Virginia, threatened to arm slaves to fight the colonists, and in November of 1775 he issued an offer to able-bodied male slaves, promising freedom to those who would fight. He did not want to start a slave rebellion and, in fact, rejected slaves who did not meet his requirements. By December of 1775, around 2,000 slaves in Virginia had fled to Lord Dunmore, who armed them and called them his “Ethiopian Regiment.” But camp diseases quickly set in: dysentery, typhoid fever, and, worst of all, smallpox. In the northern colonies, too, slaves understood the implications of irate colonists’ rhetoric against Great Britain and seized the moment to press for their own liberation. The challenge was stronger in the South, where the numerical preponderance of slaves caused owners considerable misgivings. By the end of the war, as many as 30,000 slaves had accepted Dunmore’s offer, and as many as 80,000 slaves would escape bondage on their own over the course of the war. Slaves often were treated quite badly by the army, but several thousand persisted through the war and later, under the protection of the British army, left America to start new lives of freedom in Canada’s Nova Scotia or Africa’s Sierra Leone.
Conclusion: How Far Does Liberty Go? pp. 206-207
American resistance to imperial policies grew slowly, but as misunderstandings escalated, so did the level of tension and violence. By the 1770s, the colonists were convinced that Parliament meant to deprive them of their liberties and reduce them to “abject slavery.” To gain support for their cause, patriotic leaders had to infuse the masses with a keen sense of their own rights and liberties; black Americans also picked up on this rhetoric, hoping to free themselves from slavery and oppression. By 1775, with the outbreak of fighting and the specter of slave rebellions, American leaders turned to the king to resolve the question of who had actual authority over the colonies.
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